[NE W SERIES.]

THE IRISH

ECCLESIASTICAL RECORD.

OCTOBER, 1869.

TRINITY COLLEGE, PUBLIN.

/\ PAPER under the above heading has appeared in the last number of "Macmillan's Magazine." This periodical, as our readers may be aware, is published by the respectable firm, whose name it bears, in Cambridge as well as in London. On the cover we also find the name of J. H. and J. Parker, the eminent Oxford publishers. The article in question is from the pen of the Rev. J. P. Mahaffy, Fellow and Tutor, Trinity College, Dublin. It is evidently intended for the in- formation of persons connected with,, or interested in, the English Universities. It is, we hope, equally intended not to be seen or noticed by the great majority of the writer's fellow- countrymen, for we cannot attribute to the Rev. Fellow a wish to offer gratuitously a number of insults to the Catholics of Ireland.

But whatever Mr. Mahaffy's intention or wish, we deem it our duty to allow our readers to form their own opinion of the merits of the article. We do not mean of its literary merits, or of the elegant taste displayed in it. We do not want to draw attention to the good feeling which could prompt the follow- ing allusion to a Church of which the writer calls himself an ordained minister: — "So persistently have they (the Irish, who, like flies, are for ever annoying John Bull) been vexing him, that he is now anxiously providing them with a carcase

VOL. VI. I

2 Trinity College, Dublin.

in their own country, if perchance they will feed upon it, even although he ought to be perfectly assured that this carcase, when sufficiently decomposed, will become the nurse and support of new myriads of persecutors." Had these words been written by a priest, or, indeed, by any Catholic, we should hear enough about them. But a Rev. Fellow of, "perhaps, the only English institution that ever really succeeded in Ireland" may use any language he pleases, no matter how gross, pro- vided, " it is an illustration of Homer /" and serves to show forth the glory of the University of Dublin, which alone is silent, while " all other bodies in the country, whether re- ligious, or political, or educational, are for ever clamouring, and annoying the English nation" Nor do we wish to dwell on the phrase in which allusion is made to one who is recog- nised throughout the civilized world as a prince of the oldest and most venerable court in Christendom, and who was received as such by our future sovereign. We have to deal with the statements and views of the essayist respecting the University question.

And even with respect to these statements and opinions, it is not our intention to discuss them as far as they regard Protestants and the education of Protestants. But we must protest against Mr. Mahaffy speaking in the name arid on behalf of the Catholic people of Ireland. He will ask, " What people ?" We answer, in the name of none of our Catholic people has he, above all men, a right to speak.

Not in the name of those whom he calls the "ignorant masses who have no voice or utterance save through Cardinal Cullen and his priests, and who neither ought to have, nor have, any opinion whatever on the matter of University edu- cation." As if the great mass of a nation has no right to form an opinion of the manner in which the physicians, and the judges, and the representatives, who are to be charged with their dearest interests, are educated ; and as if every British subject has not a constitutional right to express his opinion on so vital a question. Thank God, our " ignorant masses " are not so ignorant as not to know their rights in this momen- tous matter. They know, moreover, that they have a right to give utterance to their opinion in any legal way they please. But it is not through Rev. Mr. Mahaffy they choose to speak !

Neither may he speak, we are sure he will be the first himself to admit it, in the name of " the priests and the Ultra- montane press," whom he sets down as another great section of the Catholic people of Ireland.

There remains, according to him, only "the educated

Trinity College, Dublin. 3

Catholics." Whom does he mean by educated Catholics ? And whomsoever he means, has he any right to speak in their name? Most certainly not. He says : "they have declared themselves (so far as they dare) perfectly satisfied" with the proposal to change Trinity College into a mixed College. Who have declared themselves ? The educated Catholics. What educated Catholics ? What are their names, their position, their right to speak as representative men ? We are aware that a letter in favour of opening Trinity College was written to Mr. Fawcett, M.P., by two Catholic gentlemen. Several anonymous letters in favour of the proposal have ap- peared in the Tunes. Some of these letters are said to have been ^vritten by one of the two petitioners. Verily, we are reminded of the old story of the three tailors of Tooley street, speaking in the name of the people of England ! For we have two gentlemen, and (if they be not the same persons) some anonymous writers in newspapers, declaring themselves " per- fectly satisfied." These are the " educated Catholics " of Ireland, at least no other educated Catholic has dared to speak ! " Risum teneatis amid"

But, perchance, Rev. Mr. Mahaffy may remember, that about six or seven years ago, some 200 Catholics, whose posi- tion gave them good right to be looked on as representative men among the " educated Catholics " of Ireland, did de- clare themselves perfectly dissatisfied with a proposal which was not unlike Mr. Fawcett's and was then put forward by Sir Robert Peel, at that time Chief Secretary for Ireland, viz. — to establish in Dublin a mixed college, such as Trinity College would become were Mr. Mahaffy's views realised. At the same time not more than six or seven Catholics, besides a few connected with the existing mixed colleges, were found to advocate the scheme for extending the mixed system to the metropolis. Are we to take the 200 representative men, or the six or seven as speaking the sentiments of the " educated Catholics" of Ireland ? Are the two gentlemen who have put themselves forward, or the 200 who gave their opinion some time ago, and have never withdrawn their declarations, to be looked upon as the true exponents of the views of our people ? And as to the saying that "educated Catholics" dare not speak out their sentiments, or that those 200 who have spoken belong to some separate party, called " Ultramontancs" and distinct from their fellows, we cannot recal the names of those who then declared their sentiments in language most clear, without at once seeing the absurdity of either assertion. The vast majority of the people of Ireland of all classes, clerical and lay, have declared unmistakeably their wish to have for

4 Trinity College, Dublin.

Catholics Catholic education, and none other. That we shall be able to assert with success these claims, if we are but true to ourselves, there is no doubt.

Mr. Mahaffy appeals to " the Liberal party in England to help" him and those who feel with him, " to fight the battle, and to support them in the hour of danger. For the danger is near and great." The likelihood of the downfall of the mixed system in Ireland is " near and great." What, then, means the appeal of the Rev. essayist ? It means that no effort is to be spared in inducing England to turn away from the path on which she entered so nobly last session. That the majority of the House of Commons is, if possible, to be persuaded not to regard the wishes of Ireland; but when legislating for this country to be guided by the views, or principles, or prejudices of English parties, which, although often most sincere in their desire to serve Ireland, are unacquainted with our wants, our feelings, and our convictions, or disregard them. This appeal, in fine, is made in order to get the Legislature to discard the principle it accepted a few months ago to the great joy of all good people, viz. — that Ireland is no longer to be governed for the benefit of a small fraction of its people, and in accordance with the views of that small minority ; but that henceforth in this country, as elsewhere, the golden rule of government is to be the greater good of the greater number, and attention to the wishes of the nation when legislating for the nation.

But we have been betrayed into details, instead of con- sidering the chief purport of the Rev. Mr. Mahaffy 's article. That purport is to show that in Trinity College there exist excellent arrangements for higher education in Ireland ; and to prove that all that is necessary for their perfection is to allow Trinity College to carry out to completion the plans it has devised.

On the other hand we assert that the existing arrangements are most unsatisfactory to Catholics, and that no modification of Trinity College can be such as to give satisfaction to Catho- lics, to make it a fit place for the education of their sons, or to establish the great principle of equality in education, religious equality in other respects being now proclaimed by the Legislature. And we maintain that the truth of these asser- tions is manifest from the very statements advanced by Rev. Mr. Mahaffy.

" The college was founded," he tells us, " by Queen Elizabeth, m I59I> and though some attempts were made, two centuries ago, to establish separate halls, these attempts failed, and we have now the University and its single college co-existing, and in many respects in a state of fusion." He might have added,

Trinity College, Dublin. 5

that the Royal foundress intended Trinity College to be the bulwark of Protestantism in Ireland ; that it has faithfully dis- charged its trust, and that it still continues in all essential particulars, a Protestant Anglican institution. These truths Rev. Mr. Mahaffy does not call in question, nay more, he expressly or implicitly admits them. Hence, in several parts of the article he speaks of Trinity College as a "Protestant institution," as an " English institution," as " the only flourishing specimen of English plantations in Ireland." And as to the fidelity with which it has discharged its task of maintaining Anglican Protestantism in Ireland, we need only refer to the list of notabilities produced by Trinity College, and enumerated by Mr. Mahaffy in the first page of his article. "With the names of William Archer Butler, of Todd, and of Reeves, of Lloyd, and of Magee, of Salmon, of Rosse, and of Hamilton, of Cairns and" (though last not least, our readers are acquainted, with the name) " of Lecky. With these before our eyes, we cannot doubt but that the education she provided has de- veloped genius, and that her (Protestant) sons have extended the bounds of science and adorned the fields of literature." But where is the list of her Catholic alumni of distinction ; and, above all, of Catholics who remained faithful to the principles of their holy religion ? Such a list, proportionate to the posi- tion Catholics ought to occupy, cannot be found, although the names of a few highly respectable Catholics may be mentioned who received some part of their education in Trinity College. And the very fact of such a goodly array of distinguished Protestants, students of Trinity College, clearly proves that the Protestant University has faithfully discharged its trust and maintained in Ireland the intellectual supremacy of Pro- testants, bringing them forward, while Catholics remained in obscurity. And why should it not be so ? Despite the declarations made by Mr. Mahaffy and others respecting the liberality of the institution, let us see the facts as given in the article before us. They clearly establish that the spirit of ascendency pervades the place. " The Provost," we are told, "and seven Senior Fellows, who are the heads of the College, also legislate for the University. In the affairs of the College, the decision of this Board of Senior Fellows can only be reversed by an appeal to the visitors. The Board attain their position by seniority among the Fellows, and the Fellows are elected by a severe competitive examination." None but Anglicans are eligible to be Fellows, nay more, " originally they were all compelled to be clerics, save three, and this rule was rigidly enforced. Within the last generation, a habit gradually crept in of obtaining the leave of the Board to

6 Trinity College, Dublin.

dispense with Holy Orders, by means of a Queen's letter. This privilege, though always granted with reluctance, has been repeatedly extorted by men who felt indisposed to the re- straint of the clerical profession ; and since the agitation on the Irish Church question, all the Fellows elected have re- mained laymen. There are at present eleven lay Fellows among thirty-five. These men take no part in religious in- struction whatever. They might be Calvinists or A theists, as far as their college duties are concerned." We commend the last sentence especially to the consideration of our readers. For it is to these gentlemen the education of the students is entrusted. " There are twenty tutorships, to which they (the Junior Fellows) may succeed by seniority. To them is en- trusted the teaching of the undergraduates, a part of whose fees are divided among the tutors. The income of the tutors depends accordingly upon the number of students on the books ; in other words, upon the efficiency of their own teaching, and at present may be stated roughly as com- mencing at £300 and rising to £700 per annum." This is the system of higher education, which Rev. Mr. Mahaffy deems such an admirable one. It is true he wishes " these valuable prizes" to be opened "as all the other prizes in Trinity College now are, to Roman Catholics and Dissenters ; and then," he says, "it will be possible for any man in the world to obtain them by the force of pure intellect" // will be possible to obtain them ; but how many Catholics will obtain them ? Every prize, Professorship, &c., established since 1793 has been left open to them. But how many have obtained them ? And of the Catholics who have striven for them, successfully or not, how few have transmitted to their sons a name honourable at once in the annals of their faith, of their country, and of learning ? Alas ! alas ! can Mr. Mahaffy give us ten, aye even five, such honoured names among those who have gone before us ? And this in Catholic Ireland ! We may judge of the probabte future result from what has happened in the past. And hence there is one phrase of Mr. Mahaffy's with which we fully agree : " in no case would the Roman Catholics for generations become a real majority " (he might have said : attain equality with Protestants) " in the University." He adds : " This will, perhaps, be an encourage- ment to Irish Protestants when the question of removing religious disabilities comes to be discussed." But we doubt if it will be an encouragement to Irish Catholics ! !

For it must never be forgotten there is question of the chief seat of lay education in an essentially Catholic country. And from Mr. Mahaffy's showing, the proportion of Catholics

Trinity College, Dublin. 7

among the lay students in Trinity College at the last census was only about 6 per cent: viz., 76 out of 1,172. Is this a fair representation of a people in which Catholics are over 77 per cent, while Anglicans are only 7 in every hundred ? Is it even in keeping with the relative numbers of classical students of either religion ? Far from it, for the last census shows a majority of Catholic boys, as compared with Anglicans, studying classics in Ireland. As far as the number of students is concerned, Trinity College is, therefore, from Mr. Mahaffy's own showing, not only a Protestant institution, but an insti- tution which even to this day maintains as far as it can the educational ascendency of Anglicans. It is still more clear that Protestant ascendency is maintained by the teaching staff, of which the thirty-five Fellows are all Anglicans, twenty- four of them being clergymen, while of the professorships, to which non-Anglicans are eligible, only one is filled by a Catholic, and one by a Mahommedan. Most of all, it is evident that Anglican ascendency exists, and cannot but exist, in the governing body, since the Provost and seven senior Fellows, who are the heads of the College, also govern the University ; and not only must all of them be Anglicans, and, generally speaking, clergymen, but moreover, as if to preclude the pos- sibility of the introduction of any extraneous material into this board of direction, it is only, we are told, " after about thirty years of weary waiting, a man may succeed in his turn to a Senior Fellowship." For "the Board attain their position by seniority among the Fellows."

In our next number we shall consider whether the educa- tion imparted by these Protestant teachers, and under the direction of these Protestant authorities, even as shown by Rev. Mr. Mahaffy, is fit for Catholic youth, and whether the modifications he and his friends suggest, or, indeed, any modifications of such an institution, as a place of education, can make it satisfactory to Catholics, or establish within its halls the great principle of educational equality.

For the present we conclude by recommending to the con- sideration of all who have charge of the education of youth, indeed to the consideration of all who are interested in the training of the rising generations of Irish Catholics, the follow- ing words, written last year by another Fellow of Trinity College, Rev. Dr. Haughton, who, of course, speaks with the experience of many years: "The Roman Catholic clergy warn their flocks against Trinity College as a Protestant insti- tution, necessarily dangerous to the principles of Catholic students ; and in thus warning them they are practically wise, for it is simply impossible for seventy Catholics to associate

8 Civilization and Arts

with 1,100 Protestants, as equals and fellow-students, without renouncing, more or less, the narrow views respecting Protes- tants that prevail among the higher circles of their hierarchy ;" that is to say, without surrendering to some extent their religious principles.

( To be continued,)

CIVILIZATION AND ARTS IN ANCIENT IRELAND.

( Concluded from page 360, vol. vj

E have already observed that forty years ago there was no national feeling amongst the upper classes in Ireland. This calamity, for such it may truly be called, is again and again deplored by Petrie. In the preface to his " Ancient Music of Ireland," he tells us that he was startled at the proposal made to him, of collecting for publication the Melodies of Ireland which had not been given to the public by Bunting. There were several reasons which made him hesitate to under- take so formidable a project : — first, a doubt of his own competency. Second, it would necessarily require for its production the exclusive devotion of many years of a life now drawing towards its close. And lastly, " as I cannot but confess, I could not suppress a misgiving, that, let a work of this nature possess whatever amount of interest or value it may, there no longer existed amongst my countrymen such a sufficient amount of a racy feeling of nationality and culti- vation of mind — qualities so honorable to the Scottish character, as would secure for it the steady support necessary for its success. In short, I could not but fear that I might be vainly labouring to cultivate mental fruit, which, however indigenous to the soil, was yet of too refined and delicate a flavour to be relished or appreciated by a people who had been, from adversities, long accustomed only to the use of food of a coarser and more exciting nature."

Thus the want of a "racy feeling of nationality" retarded all efforts to nurture a love of our native music. Hence it shared the fate of the other Fine Arts in Ireland — neglect and de- cline. "The Fine Arts, properly so called," says Petrie ("Dublin Penny Journal," vol. i. p. 83), "or the arts of Paint- ing, Sculpture, and Architecture, have never hitherto in Ireland had their chronicle, or indeed, received the slightest

in Ancient Ireland. 9

aid from the literature of their country. It would be easy to assign probable and sufficient causes for such neglect, but in this place it is enough to state the fact, coupled, as it is, with its melancholy consequence, that whenever genius of a higher order has appeared among us, and such instances have not been uncommon, we have rarely discovered how it should have been appreciated, till it had fled for ever from our shores. But brighter prospects appear to be at length opening ; great changes have at length taken place in the political world, and if the expected result be realized, the Fine Arts must partici- pate in the blessing, and their amiable professors see better days. Our minds, no longer engaged in the harrowing broils of political and religious strife, will seek the soft and harmo- nizing enjoyment which the cultivation of the taste can alone impart ; and we shall find our reward in the acquisition of a new sense more ennobling to our nature, and more closely allied to the Divinity than those already enjoyed in common with the lower animals. ' A green field will be no longer a green field,' and ' nothing more ' to us, for we shall have ac- quired the power of seeing the unspeakable beauty, as well as wisdom, exhibited in all the works of the Creator ; and that beauty cannot fail of entering deep into our souls, and of aiding our exertions to become worthy of a higher state of existence."

These words, written thirty-seven years ago, have a singular significance at the present day. Amongst the causes of our want of national spirit stands pre-eminently the garrison church. The money which kept it a slave to England, and which made all its selfish instincts smother the nobler emotions of liberty and country, is, we trust, soon to be applied to a better purpose than to corrupt the national mind, and to se- cure that worthless allegiance which can be purchased by pelf. Then may we hope that Irishmen of all classes and denomi- nations will band together to develop the national genius and guard the national honour.

" And oh ! it were a gallant deed

To show before mankind. How every race and every creed

Might be by love combined — Might be combined — yet not forget

The fountains whence they rose, As, filled by many a rivulet

The stately Shannon flows."

Our native music, that has been so long sadly impugned, is

io Civilization and Arts

one of our greatest glories. Of it Davis has written soul-stir- ring words, that go straight to the heart : —

"The greatest achievement of the Irish people is their music. It tells their history, climate, and character ; but it too much loves to weep. Let us, when so many of our chains have been broken — when our strength is great, and our hopes high, cultivate its bolder strains — its raging and rejoicing: if we weep, let it be like men whose eyes are lifted though their tears fall. Music is the first faculty of the Irish ; and scarcely anything has such power for good over them. The use of this faculty and this power, publicly and con- stantly, to keep up their spirits, refine their tastes, warm their courage, increase their union, and renew their zeal — is the duty of every patriot." — (Davis's Essays.)

The race of our Irish harpists is gone. The traditions of their wondrous acquirements are treasured only by a few. The power of the instrument which so deeply moved the feelings of our Celtic forefathers are unknown. In the fashion- able drawingrooms of the upper classes the native melodies are pooh-poohed, and give place to the last fandango that is called a waltz or a polka. The high civilization and exquisite refinement of the aristocracy look down from their lofty posi- tion with contempt, or chilling neglect upon all efforts to keep alive a love of our native music. We have preserved our faith and our nationality notwithstanding their defection and hos- tility. So shall we continue to value every good gift that God has bestowed upon us — " the mere Irish.*1

Bunting, in the preface to his "Ancient Music of Ireland," writes : —

" Whatever differences of opinion may exist, as to the high degree of early civilization and national glory laid claim to by the Irish people, it has never been questioned, that in the most remote times they had, at least, a national music peculiar to themselves, and that their bards and harpers were eminently successful in its performance." How great that success was six hundred years ago, we learn from Giraldus Cambrensis, the persistent reviler of everything connected with our country, wherein he could find a flaw : —

" It is in musical instruments alone that the industry of this nation has attained a laudable degree of refinement, sur- passing immeasurably the skill of all other nations. Bold and rapid, yet sweet and agreeable ; the notes of the Irish harp are quite unlike the slow and drawling melody of the British instruments to which we are accustomed. It is amazing how correct musical time can be observed in so bold and hurried sweeping of the fingers ; and how, amid all those quavers and

in Ancient Ireland. 11

the mazy multitude of chords the master-hand combines this sweet rapidity, this uneven smoothness, this discordant concord, into a glowing strain of harmonious melody."

Alas ! that such music can no longer be heard. The last meeting of the Irish harpers took place at Belfast, in 1792. Since that time the voice of the harp may be said to have been completely hushed, and its echoes no longer linger in the public ear. It is an interesting fact that ecclesiastics, even of the highest order, were not merely patrons of the harp, but were also, in many cases, proficient on that instrument. An extract from Petrie's "Ancient Music of Ireland" gives an account of the celebrated Irish harp preserved in the museum of Trinity College, Dublin : —

" This harp is not only the most ancient instrument of the kind known to exist in Ireland, but is in all probability the oldest harp now remaining in Europe."

That harps of this description were in common use among the Irish ecclesiastics from the very introduction of Christianity into this country is sufficiently apparent from the lives of the most distinguished of the Irish Saints, as well as from the testimony of Cambrensis, in the I2th century ; — " Huicaccedit ut episcopi et abbates et sancti in Hibernia viri citharas circumferre et in eis modulando pie delectari consueverunt." — (Cambriae Descrip. p. 739).

Petrie goes on to say, "If these conjectures were allowed, it would not, perhaps, be altogether an impro- bable surmise that this harp (referring to the one in the Museum, T.C.D.) was made for one of those two O'Neills who flourished in the fourteenth century ; the first as bishop of Clogher, the second as bishop of Deny.1 If we have not spirit enough to restore the practice of the Irish harp, we should, at all events, feel proud of the fact that its music was cherished for ages in the halls of our Irish princes, and was made the vehicle, by zealous bishop and sainted abbot, of

" Soul-animating strains, alas ! too fair."

The Rev. Dr. Reeves writes as follows in the " Ulster Journal of Archaeology," 1860: —

1Mr. Ferguson thus describes this famous harp : — " From recent examination it appears that this harp had but one row of strings and that these were thirty in number. It is thirty-two inches high, and of exquisite workmanship; the extre- mity of the forearm is capped in part with silver, extremely well wrought arid chisselled; it also contains a large crystal, set in silver, under which was another stone, now lost; the whole bears evidence of having been the work of a very expert artist, and it is unquestionably the most ancient harp in existence. " Quoted in Sir W. Wilde's learned Catalogue of the Royal Irish Academy Museum, Part I., p. 246.

12 Civilization and Arts

" Performance on stringed instruments, and especially on the harp, was, in fact, the very kind of music which, from the earliest times, was practised in Ireland, where, in Moengal's day (ninth century) every freeman seems to have possessed a certain degree of skill in the art, as is proved by many state- ments in the Irish Chronicles Music was cultivated by

them (the Irish monks), as an art intimately connected with public worship ; and they seem to have promoted the practice of it as much as possible in their colonies."

Our melodies, at least we can presume, form a distinct part of our national individuality. There is little danger of the loss of those which have been wedded to immortal verse by Moore. But many others remain. To procure them free from all alloy was the closing work of Petrie's life. In com- pany with Eugene O'Curry, Dr. Stokes, and other friends, Petrie sought them amidst the Celts of the Arran Isles, and picked them up wherever his keen eye could detect a trace of them throughout the land. Why are they not appreciated in our Irish homes ? Have we no sensibility of the refining influence of music ? Have we no desire to hear those mystic sounds that alternately braved the arm in battle's array, soothed the couch in the hour of sickness, andsupported the stricken amidst persecutions, treasons, and grinding poverty ? With what a facile pen and graceful diction, does not Petrie describe the pleasures he drew from the study of our national music : —

"A passionate lover of music from my childhood, and of melody especially — that divine essence without which music is but a soulless body- — the indulgence of this passion has been one of the great, if not the greatest, sources of happiness of my life. Coupled with a never-failing love of nature, and its consequent attendant, an appreciation of the good and beautiful, it has refreshed and re-invigorated my spirits when depressed by the fatigues of mental labour. In the hours of worldly trials, of cares and sorrows, I have felt its power to soothe and console ; to restrain from the pursuit of worthless and debasing pleasures — of soul-corrupting worldly ambitions, destructive of mental peace — and to give contentment in a humble station," Happily this love of our melodies which Petrie pronounces to be " the most beautiful national melodies in the world," was the means of preserving to our Irish race many airs that were on the eve of being for ever lost. They are printed with letterpress in a quarto volume of 196 pages, and should be found in the hands of all those who profess to cherish our native music, and to retain a living evidence of our earliest civilization.

in Ancient Ireland. 13

As the memories of our most highly-born princes and most dignified ecclesiastics are linked with a love of our old music, so in modern times true Irishmen have shown a predilection for the Irish airs. Two interesting anecdotes will relieve the dreary pages we have strung together. Bunting was present at the celebrated meeting of the Irish harpers in Belfast. One of the most famous of these was Arthur O'Neill. In the following terms he describes an evening spent at the house of a real old Irish gentleman, James Irwin, of Streamstown : —

" I am totally at a loss to describe that gentleman's manner of living, at his own house and amongst his tenantry. He had an ample fortune, and was passionately fond of music. He had four sons and three daughters, who were all pro- ficients. No instrument was unknown to them. There was at one time a meeting in his house of forty-six musicians, who played in the following order : — the three Miss Irwins at the piano ; myself at the harp ; gentlemen flutes, six ; gentlemen violoncellos, two ; common pipers, ten ; gentlemen fiddlers, twenty ; gentlemen clarionets, four." (Notes to Bunting's Ancient Irish Music.)

The next anecdote refers to Curran. It is narrated by Dr. Stokes in his " Life of Petrie." We shall give it in the words, of that accomplished biographer : —

" In his selections for the Irish melodies Moore1 seems to have been less intimate with the structure of this class of Irish airs than his celebrated contemporary John Philpot Curran. How deeply the old music of his country was loved by Curran ; how much he felt its power and pathos, the fol- lowing anecdote, given to the writer by an intimate friend of the great orator, will show. On occasions, when he felt he would have next day to make one of his most impressive speeches, he was in the habit, during the stillness of evening, of walking up and down, and alone, in one of the shady alleys of his old-fashioned garden, always carrying his violin in his hands, crossed behind him, while his head was bent in medita- tion. He would now and then pause, and, as if to assist his thoughts, bring the instrument forward, and play a few bars of some old Irish air, when he would replace it and resume his walk. Those who look at music as a source of sensuous enjoyment only, have but a narrow view of its uses and its value."

Thus sanctioned by every association dear to Irishmen — by

1 " In the Moore Library adjoining the Museum of the Royal Irish Academy, may be seen the small modern harp belonging to the bard, made by Egan, of Dublin, which was presented to the Academy, along with his books, by Mrs. Moore." (Sir W. Wilde's Catalogue. )

14 Civilization and Arts

antiquity, civilization, religion, and patriotism, let us keep alive the highly characteristic music of this old land, remem- bering the pregnant words of Dr. Stokes, that its* study has higher and more noble aims than to minister merely to pass- ing emotions of dilletante gratification.

As to the Irish proficiency in architecture, we shall content ourselves with one passage from the writings of Rev. Dr. Reeves. In a Paper on Early Irish Caligraphy, published in " Ulster Journal of Archaeology" (1860), that highly accom- plished Irish scholar observes : —

" We are unable to determine, with accuracy, what progress in architecture had been made by the Irish monks, because during the foreign invasions, and the long period of intestine struggles at home, their oldest buildings had most gone to ruin. But those which still exist, as, for example, the nume- rous round towers, erected, according to Petrie, in the Mero- vingian and Carlovingian periods, with their groups of churches (seven churches), the extensive ruins of the oldest abbeys, the subterranean vaults, dating from an unknown period, the royal tombs, as those in the island of lona, are sufficient evi- dences that in this country architecture had attained, at least in a technical point of view, to a high degree of cultivation."

We have so far endeavoured to bring together witnesses of undoubted learning, and evidences of undeniable authority, to prove our ancient civilization from the excellence attained in illumination, painting, sculpture, architecture, working in gold and silver, and finally in music. To these must be added the comparatively high state of learning in the schools of Ireland, after the introduction of Christianity. The fact is admitted by Hallam, Muratori, and a host of writers whom we could name, that the Irish monasteries, were, in the sixth, seventh, and eighth centuries, centres of intellectual light for the rest of Europe. When Alfred the Great founded or restored the University of Oxford, he sent to the monastic schools of Ireland for professors to fill its chairs. St. Colum- banus was educated in the monastery of Bangor, near Belfast ; his writings show an intimate acquaintance with the Hebrew, Greek, and Latin languages, as also with Ecclesiastical His- tory. These he must have learned from the monks who taught him in Ireland.

Dr. Wattenbach has published a very learned paper on the Irish monasteries. It is translated and edited with notes by Rev. Dr. Reeves, and will be found in " Ulster Journal of Archaeology, vol. 7.

Wattenbach says —

" Along with the Christian religion there was brought in

in Ancient Ireland. 15

by the numerously immigrating British, Gaulish, and Roman, nay, perhaps, even Egyptian clergy, the learning of the Latin church, and various new arts among this already some- what advanced and accomplished people. They learned how to build with more elegance and durability, how to use lime and mortar ; how to turn arches ; likewise how to manu- facture costly vessels for the service of the church. In particular, they also learned the Greek and Latin languages, and letters."

The reader will naturally ask, to what period we trace back the civilization of ancient Erinn ? We answer — as far back certainly as the date of Ireland's becoming Christian. To what extent a knowledge of letters or civilization prevailed before the advent of St. Patrick, is a subject upon which we have not been able to form a very definite opinion. We shall merely bring under the notice of those who favour this paper with a perusal what has fallen in our way in our search for reliable information.1

Eugene O'Curry, in those invaluable lectures of his, delivered at the Catholic University, and patriotically published at its expense, says : —

" At what period in Irish history written records began to be kept, it is, perhaps, impossible to determine at present with precision. However the national traditions assign a very remote antiquity, and a high degree of cultivation to the civi- lization of our Pagan ancestors. Without granting to such traditions a greater degree of credulity than they are strictly entitled to, it must, I think, be admitted, that the immense quantity of historical, legendary, and genealogical matter, relating to the Pagan age of ancient Erinn, and which we can trace to the very oldest written documents, of which we yet retain any account, could only have been transmitted to our times by some form of written record.

" There is abundant evidence in the MSS. relating to this period (the introduction of Christianity), to show that St. Pat- rick found, on his coming to Erinn, a regularly defined system of law and policy, and a fixed classification of the people ac- cording to various grades and ranks, under the sway of a single monarch, presiding over certain subordinate provincial kings. We find, likewise, mention of books in the possession of the Druids before the arrival of St. Patrick ; and it is re- peatedly stated (in the Tripartite Life of the Saint), that he placed primers or lessons, in the Latin language, in the hands of those whom he wished to take into his University. We

1 See a very interesting discussion on " Writing in Pre-Christian Erin '' in the " Illustrated History of Ireland," p. 148.

1 6 Civilisation and Arts

have also several remarkable examples of the literary eminence which was rapidly attained by many of his disciples, amongst whom may be particularly mentioned, Benen, or Benignus ; Mochoe ; and Fiac, of Slebhte, or Sletty."

The Right Rev. Dr. Graves, Protestant bishop of Limerick, in a paper upon oghamic writing, says : — " Whether the ancient Irish, before the Christian era, possessed a primitive alphabet, differing essentially from that in use in the other parts of Europe, is a question which has been debated by

scholars with great earnestness This controversy

cannot be' brought to a satisfactory termination until the MSS. authorities bearing upon the subject have been discussed, and the inscriptions on the monuments carefully deciphered." We are thus, it would seem, according to most learned authorities, without any certain data to decide the question of the knowledge of letters in Ireland, at the advent of Christi- anity. The opinions of O'Curry and Dr. Graves are sup- ported by the concurring testimony of the late John O'Donovan, and that of Petrie. O'Donovan says: — "At what period it became the practice in Ireland to record public events, in the shape of Annals, has not yet been accurately determined ; but it will not be too much to assume that the practice began with the first introduction of Christianity into the country." And Dr. Petrie, in his learned essay on " The History and Antiquities of Tara Hill," writes, " Without con- ceding the use of letters to the Irish generally, before the ^establishment of Christianity in Ireland, there is nothing im- possible in the supposition that their use might have been known to a few." Quoted in a very learned Dissertation on Irish Annals. (Census Report, 1851, p. 3.)

If, then, it be uncertain whether the Irish generally had any knowledge of letters before Christianity, are we to conclude that there is no evidence of any civilization before that date ? Petrie, in the " Dublin Penny Journal," gave a very natural solution to this difficulty, by observing that " the bloodless conversion of a people to a new mode of faith gives strong evidence of their being at the time far removed from utter barbarism." However, other and abundant proofs are sup- plied by the same writer in the numerous dissertations on Irish ornaments, furniture, and utensils, with which he enriched the pages of the " Dublin Penny Journal." The conclusion to be drawn from these writings of Petrie's are thus summarised calmly, and with judicial impartiality, by Dr. Stokes : —

" It is true that Ireland, though abounding in remains of remote antiquity, cannot adduce them as proving any high civilization among her earlier colonists That some of

in Ancient Ireland. 17

the tribes of almost pre-historic times carried with them a certain, and even a high degree of knowledge, the urns of excellent form and ornamentation, the weapons of bronze, and ornaments of gold, which may be seen in our museums, abundantly prove ; and that some of these, at all events, were of native manufacture, appears from the dis- covery of the stone moulds for the casting of the bronze swords, so numerous and varied, and so beautiful in form ; nor is this ancient skill shown in the manufacture of weapons only. The forms of the great trumpets found near Emania, with their admirably executed rivettings throughout, must be seen to be appreciated ; while the specimen of the divergent spiral in bronze implements of unknown use, in the Petrie Museum, which Mr. Kemble declared to be the most striking in all Europe for beauty of execution and design, shows, not only the greatest skill in casting, but the possession of an instinctive taste of the highest quality. Still, such a know- ledge of art is compatible with a low state of civilization, as regards the habits and manners of the race."

In this admirable passage the truth is set forth with can- dour and precision, and we should think it folly in the face of such authorities to antedate our literature, or to estimate more highly the civilization of our forefathers. Whatever disap- pointment the over-sanguine Irishman may feel at this conclu- sion, is more than counterbalanced by the value and antiquity of our historic annals.

Sir James Mackintosh, in his notice of the "Annals of the Four Masters," writes : — " The Irish nation, though they are robbed of their legends by this authentic publication, are yet by it enabled to boast that they possess genuine history several centuries more ancient than any other European nation possesses ; in its present spoken language they have exchanged their legendary antiquity for historical fame. Indeed, no other nation possesses any monument of its litera- ture, in its present spoken language, which goes back within several centuries of these chronicles." Finally, adds the Census Report, to which we are indebted for these quotations, " Dr. O'Connor, in criticising with his wonted energy and research, the 'Annals of Tighernach,' (written in the eleventh century), says : — ' No chronicle more ancient than Tighernach's can be produced by the Northern nations ; Hestor, the father of Russian history, died in 1113; Snorro, the father of Ice- landic history, did not appear until a century after Nestor ; Kaldubeck, the first historian of Poland, died in 1223 ; and Stierman could not discover a scrap of writing in all Sweden older than 1159. Now Tigernach quotes the ancient

VOL. VI. 2

1 8 Questions Regarding the Jubilee.

Scealuidhes, or poets of Ireland, whose poems he declares to contain genuine history, from the foundation of Emania, 300 years before the Christian era."

Flann of Monasterboice, who died in 1056, was another famous annalist. O'Curry, in his " MS. Materials," p. 57, writes of him : —

"It is to be observed that Flann was the predecessor of Tigher- nach ; and without in the least degree derogating from the well-earned reputation of that distinguished annalist, enough of the works of Flann remain to show that he was a scholar of fully equal learning, and a historic investigator of the greatest merit."

We have now come to the close of an effort to throw into a popular form a few facts about our ancient literature and civilization.

We have not ventured to put forward any statement, save such as is supported by the testimony of able, impartial, and conscientious writers. We have read from time to time a good deal of rhapsody in portly quarto, as well as in less pre- tentious octavo ; but we have not allowed any quotations from such authorities to lead us astray. There is more than enough of sound substantial fact about our country's history to gratify honest patriotism. We pray the reader's kind in- dulgence in our attempt to indicate the plain truth. We have endeavoured to avoid being a " will-o'-the-wisp" that would mislead and deceive : and we trust that our feeble efforts shall be leniently dealt with, because of the spirit in which they were undertaken.

QUESTIONS REGARDING THE JUBILEE.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE "IRISH ECCLESIASTICAL RECORD."

"St. Patrick's College, Maynooth, "27th September, 1869.

"VERY REV. DEAR SIR— In accordance with your suggestion that an exposition of some theological and canonical questions connected with the Jubilee would not be without interest for the readers- of the Irish Ecclesiastical Record, I enclose a paper on the nature of the fast which is required as a con- dition for gaining the indulgence.

" Considering the practical importance of this subject, and the great difference of opinion to which it has given rise in

Questions Regarding the Jubilee. 1 9

those parts of Ireland where the Jubilee has been for some time promulgated, it is, I think, not unlikely that some questions in reference to it may have been sent to you by your readers throughout the country. Hence, although I have no reason to suppose that you will dissent from the conclusions at which I have arrived, I think it right to give you an opportunity of letting your readers know that the enclosed paper is not published as your answer to any such questions, and that it ought not to be regarded as necessarily expressing the views either of yourself or of the clergymen who so ably assist you in conducting the Record. Probably you will consider the insertion of this letter as the best means of making that an- nouncement. I shall, therefore, avail myself of this oppor- tunity to add a few remarks which are, I think, rendered necessary by what has occurred since my paper was written.

" No doubt, the Rescript which has just arrived takes away, as far as regards your readers in this country, a good deal of the practical importance of the question to the examination of which my paper is almost exclusively devoted. Granted, in accordance with the terms of the petition, without any restriction as to time, it completely removes all necessity for observing the abstinence from eggs and lacticinia, and for making use of only Lenten fare. So far, then, as those persons are concerned who have not as yet undertaken the performance of the works required as conditions for gaining the Jubilee, no difficulty can arise as to the nature of the fast which is required.

"But, viewed under another aspect, the question which I have discussed is still a question of practical importance. For in several parts of Ireland, where the Jubilee was promulgated in July and August, very many of the faithful had, before the publication of the decree of the Sacred Congregation, observed the fasts and performed the other conditions en- joined in the Bull. At that time the question whether it was necessary to abstain from eggs and lacticinia had not been raised, so that in those cases the fasts observed were such as in Ireland we are accustomed to observe on ordinary fasting days occuring throughout the year, for instance on the fasting days of the Ember Weeks. Hence, the publication of the decree which, as many persons supposed, required the observance of the more rigorous form of fast, gave rise to a question of great practical difficulty, viz. : — should any steps be taken in refe- rence to the case of those who, in performing the works enjoined as conditions for the Jubilee, had observed the fast in its less rigorous form, the sufficiency of which was called in question ?

2O Questions Regarding the Jubilee.

" As regards the great majority of such cases, the Rescript, since it was not granted until after they had occurred, cannot be of any assistance. And, in fact, the only method of meeting the difficulty is to ascertain whether, in the absence of any rescript or dispensation, abstinence from eggs and lacticinia is required either by the Bull of the Jubilee or by the ex- planatory decree of the Sacred Congregation. In the accom- panying paper I have endeavoured to show that such abstinence is not required. If this view be established it follows, of course, that in the very numerous cases to which I have referred, there is no reason for doubting that the requirements of the Bull, as far as regards this condition, have been complied with.

" These remarks will, I trust, suffice to show that notwith- standing the concession of the Rescript, the question which I have discussed is one of not merely speculative interest, but also of practical importance.

" I remain, Very Rev. Dear Sir,

" Most faithfully yours,

"WILLIAM J. WALSH."

I._ON THE FASTS REQUIRED FOR GAINING THE

JUBILEE.

1 HE decree recently issued by the Sacred Congregation of Indulgences,1 in reference to the present Jubilee, has given rise to considerable difference of opinion regarding a question of very great practical importance, viz. : — Whether the fast which is prescribed as a necessary condition for gaining the indulgence excludes the use of eggs and the whitemeats (lacti- cinia) such as butter, cheese, and milk. In this decree the Sacred Congregation announces that, by a special favour granted by the Holy Father, the requirements of the Bull, as far as regards this condition, will be satisfied by those who fast in compliance with the law of the Church on three days in Lent. It adds, however, that those who take advantage of this privilege, must on the three days which they select for their Jubilee fast, make use only of fasting fare, and that consequently they cannot on those days avail themselves of any dispensation which they may have received, exempting them from any portion of the obligation imposed by the general law of the Church. " Per- mittitur ex speciali Sanctitatis Suae indulto" are the words of

1 See Irish Ecclesiastical Record, No. LX., Vol. 5, September 1869, page 585.

The Nature of the Fast. 2 1

the Congregation, "dummodo esurialibus tantum cibis pro dictis tribus Jubilaei jejuniis utantur, quamvis fortasse ab usu ciboruin esurialium dispensationem obtinuerint"

The reason for inserting some proviso of this nature is obvious. Any such dispensation removes a part of the obliga- tion which is imposed by the common law of fasting. Con- sequently, those who avail themselves of it do not, strictly speaking, observe the ecclesiastical fast ; and, therefore, they do not comply with the requirements of the Bull, in which the observance of this fast is set forth as one of the necessary conditions for gaining the indulgence. But the precise mean- ing of the clause is not, perhaps, so clear. In fact, from the various interpretations that have been assigned to it, arises the practical question which I purpose to examine in this paper.

What, then, is the precise nature of the fast which His Holiness requires to be observed on this occasion ? Is it necessary to observe three days of rigorous fast — abstaining, not only from meat, but also from eggs and lacticinia — such as in Ireland is observed on Ash-Wednesday and on Wed- nesday and Friday in Holy Week ? Or is it sufficient to observe three days of the ordinary fast — abstaining from meat only — such as in Ireland we observe on ordinary fasting days which occur thoughout the year ? In my opinion, the view indicated in the latter question is the only tenable one. But before stating the arguments which convince me of its truth, I shall place before your readers an outline of the reasoning which, probably, has influenced the judgment of those who regard the decree of the Sacred Congregation as proving the necessity of observing the fast in its more rigorous form.

Their case may be fairly stated thus. The decree declares that in order to gain the Jubilee, it is necessary to eat only fasting fare (cibi esttriales), in other words, those sorts of food which, by the law of the Church, the faithful are allowed to make use of on fasting days. Now, eggs and lacticinia cannot be regarded as coming under this designation. In Ireland, indeed, their use is allowed on almost every fasting day ; but in this respect the discipline of the Irish Church differs very notably from the strict requirements of the law. Take, for instance, the fast of Lent. By referring to any theological treatise it will be seen that the common law of the Church prohibits the use of eggs and lacticinia, not merely on three days, but throughout the whole of Lent.1 Again, if we

1 "Ex dictis habetur, omnes utriusque sexus fideles tarn Saeculares, quam Regu- lares teneri omnibus diebus quadragesimae, etiam Dominicis, abstinere ab ovis et lacticiniis nisi per Bullam ant Pontificis privilegium a dicta obligatione excusentur. " SALMANTICENSES, Cursus Thcologiac Mo rails. Tract, xxiii. , cap. ii.,n. 37.

22 Questions Regarding the Jubilee,

examine the practice of the faithful in Rome and other parts of Italy, where the rigour of the law has not been tempered, either by usage or by indult, to such an extent as in Ireland, we shall find that the use of eggs and lacticinia is prohibited on every fasting day throughout the year. It would seem, then, that according to the provisions of the strict law of fast- ing we cannot regard eggs and lacticinia as included under the designation of cibi esuriales, or fasting fare. But, as we have seen, the observance of the fast which is prescribed as a condition for gaining the Jubilee, requires us to make use of fasting fare only. Therefore, in order to satisfy the require- ments of the Bull, we must abstain from eggs and lacticinia.

This, in substance, is the reasoning which is advanced in support of the more rigorous interpretation of the Bull. To estimate its value we must examine how far the statements on which it rests, regarding the extent of the obligations imposed by the strict law of fasting, are in accordance with the doctrine which is laid down by approved writers on this subject.

The law of fasting may, in accordance with the usual prac- tice of such writers, be considered as comprising two distinct obligations. Of these, the first and principal one regards the quantity of food which is allowed on a fasting day ; the other regards its quality. The former forbids us to eat more than one full meal and a collation ; the latter restricts us to the use of certain kinds of food, which are therefore known as cibi esuriales, or fasting fare.

Frequently indeed, the term Fast is employed to designate only the former of these obligations, which is thus distinguished from the latter, usually known as the law of abstinence. But there can' be no doubt as to the sense in which the word is to be understood in the Bull of the Jubilee. The decree of the Sacred Congregation defines that the fasts required are fasts in the strict sense of the word — " etiam quoad qualitatem ciborum sicuti ea quae ex Ecclesiae praecepto adimplenda sunt"

This being so, it is obvious that in order to ascertain whe- ther the use of eggs and lacticinia is allowed on the fasting days required for the Jubilee, we must know the nature of the abstinence which on ordinary fasting days of obligation is im- posed by the common law of the Church. Let us see, then, whether it is true to say that the use of eggs and lacticinia is inconsistent with the strict observance of this law, and that consequently they cannot be included under the designation of fasting fare.

Instead of answering this question in my own words, I shall appeal to the authority of those writers who are by common consent accepted as standard authorities on this subject. From

The Nature of the Fast. 23

the extracts which I shall cite, it will clearly appear that a broad line of distinction must be drawn between the obliga- tions imposed by the common law of fasting and the exceptional obligations imposed by the special law which regulates the Lenten Fast so that while the use of eggs and lacticinia is forbidden in Lent, on ordinary fasting days occurring through- out the year, the law of abstinence prohibits the use of meat alone.

St. Thomas shall be my first witness : — " Inter alia jejunia," says the Angelic Doctor,1 "solemnius est quadragesimale

jejunium et ideo in quolibet jejunio interdicitur

esus carnium, in jejunio vero quadragesimali interdicuntur universaliter etiam ova et lacticinia." Billuart expresses the same view in almost the same words : — " In jejunio qua-

-dragesimae," he says2 "quod est solemnius praeter

carnes prohibentur ova et lacticinia, quae non prohibentur in aliis jejuniis. Haec intellige dejure communi" "Injejuniis extraquadragesimalibus," says Henno,3 "nee ovorum nee lacticiniorum comestionem prohibet jtis commune, ut docet S. Thomas."

Suarez does not formally explain the law of fasting ; but in his treatise on the Virtue of Religion, alluding incident- ally to the obligation of fasting, he says4 : — "Non est ilia abstin- entia [a lacticiniis] de ratione jejunii nisi quadragesimalis." " Constat," say the authors of the Salamanca Course,5 " dari in Ecclesia praeceptum abstinendi in quadragesima ab ovis et lacticiniis : in aliis vero jejuniis non dari" Lessius is equally distinct : — "Lacticinia," he says,6 "jure communisolum tempore quadragesimae vetantur : extra illud permittuntur." And Laymann 7 teaches, "Discrimen illud quod esus carnium omni- bus diebus jejuniorum et abstinentiae, ovorum vero et lacticini- orum in sola quadragesima prohibetur est sectmdtim legem communem Ecclesiae" Azor, a Jesuit theologian, whose works, though little known in this country, are highly esteemed by the members of the Society, says 8 : — " Ex communi omnium sententia in jejunio quadragesimae carnium et caeterorum ex

carne originem ducentium usum nobis interdici in

aliis jejunior inn diebus praeter quam jejunii quadragenarii jure communi permittittir esus ovorum, lactis, casei, <Sr." He then

1 Summa. In 2 . 2. Quaest. 147, art. 8, ad 3.

2 Cursus Theologiae. De Virtutibus Justitiae Annexis. Diss. ii. art. vii.

3 Theologia. Tract i. de Vitiis, Appendix, quaest. i. concl. ii.

4 De Virtute Religionis, Tract, vi. lib. 4, cap. vii. n. 9.

5 Cursus Theologiae Moralis. Tract xxiii. cap. ii. n. 33.

6 Theologia Moralis, Lib. 4, cap. ii. dub. 2, n. 8.

7 Theologia Moralis. Lib. 4, Tract, viii., cap. i. , n. 3.

8 Inslilutiones Morales. Lib. 7, cap. 10, quaest. i.

24 Questions Regarding the Jubilee.

objects to expressions used in reference to this question by some previous writer, whose language implied that the use of lacticinia out of Lent was lawful only by virtue of the local usage of many countries. He asserts, says Azor, " in aliis jejuniis posse nos uti his cibis si id fuerit usu receptum, quasi tune etiam hi cibi jure vetentur^ " Abstinentiam ab ovis et lacticiniis," says Sporer,1 "de'jure communi pro solo tempore quadragesimae, non item pro aliis diebus jejuniorum obligare advertunt doctores communissime." In his treatise on the Jubilee, Bossius2 says : — "Extra quadragesimam jure communi in jejuniis de praecepto Ecclesiae non interdicuntur ova et lacticinia'' Busembaum 3 writes : — " Ova et lacticinia intra quadragesimam jure communi prohibentur ; extra earn per~ mittuntur" Viva,4 in explaining the condemnation of a pro- position which denied the existence of any obligation to abstain from eggs and lacticinia in the case of the Lenten fast, asks, "utrum in jejuniis extra quadragesimam, ova et lacticinia interdicantur." And he answers the question thus: — " Cornmunis sententia negat eajure communi prohibcri?'

In fine, St. Liguori tells us that this is the common opinion of Theologians. "Sententia communis," he says,5-"quam sequimur docet de jure communi non vetari lacticinia et ova extra quadragesimam" In support of it, he quotes in addition to some of those writers whom I have already mentioned, St. Antoninus, Navarre, Henriquez, Concina, Holzmann, and Elbel.

I trust that I have now brought forward satisfactory evi- dence that according to the doctrine laid down by the standard authorities on this subject, a very clear distinction exists be- tween the obligations of the fast of Lent and those of ordinary fasts which occur throughout the year — that only in the former case is the use of eggs and lacticinia forbidden — that, in other words, eggs and lacticinia are to be regarded as strictly speak- ing cibi esuriales, outside the special case of the Lenten fast, and that in fine this distinction is to be ascribed not to any modifications introduced by dispensation or by local usage, but to the provisions of the common law of the Church.

Hence it will be s^een that the obligation of abstaining, not only in Lent but also on all fasting days throughout the year, from eggs and lacticinia, which, as I have said, exists in Rome and some other parts of Italy, cannot be regarded as the result

1 Theologia Moralis. Tract, iii. Appendix, sect. i. n. 9.

2 Tractatus de Jubilaeo, Sect. 4, cas. 18, n. 19.

3 Medulla Theologiae Moralis. De Praeceptis Ecclesiae. Dub. i.

4 Damnatae Theses. In prop. Alex. 32, VII. n. 10,.

5 Theologia Moralis, Lib. vi., tract vi. De Praeceptis Ecclesiae n. 1009.

The Nature of the Fast. 2 5

merely of a strict observance of the common ecclesiastical law of fasting. The writers whose expositions of the provisions of that law I have just quoted, whenever they refer to the existence of such an obligation invariably ascribe it to the long established usage of the churches in which it exists. Thus St. Thomas, after explaining that the common law does not prohibit the use of eggs and lacticinia, except in Lent, adds, "circa quorum abstinentiam in aliis jejuniis diversae constie- tudines existunt apud diversos, quas quisque observare debet, secundum morem eorum inter quos conversatur." The same view is taken by all the other writers already referred to. It is hardly necessary to add that any local usage of this nature cannot interfere with the operations of the common law of fasting in countries where no such usage exists.

Having now ascertained the nature of the abstinence which is imposed by the ecclesiastical law of fasting, we may proceed to the examination of the question regarding the abstinence which is required as a condition for gaining the Jubilee. In considering this question it is necessary to distinguish between two cases — first, that of a person who selects for his Jubilee fast, three days out of Lent ; secondly, that of a person who availing himself of the privilege granted by the Papal indult, observes for the purposes of the Jubilee, on three days in Lent, the fast prescribed by the Church.

It seems to me absolutely certain that the person contem- plated in the first of these cases is not obliged to abstain from eggs and lacticinia. And for this reason. In this case nothing more is required by the Bull of the Pope or by the decree of the Sacred Congregation than the observance on three days — Wednesday, Friday, and Saturday — of the ecclesiastical fast, properly so called, "jejunia stride sumpta etiam quoad qualita- tem cibonim sicuti ea quae ex Ecclesiapraecepto adimplenda sunt" Now it is obvious that the fasts which the common law of the Church orders the faithful to observe, for instance, on the Wednesday, Friday, and Saturday of Ember Week in Sep- tember, are fasts to which this description is perfectly appli- cable as far as regards the nature of the obligations imposed. Consequently, in order to comply with the condition of fasting required by the Jubilee, it will suffice to observe three days of fast, such as is enjoined to be observed on the Ember days. But we have already seen that on those days abstinence from eggs and lacticinia is not required by the common law of the Church. Therefore, in the case of a person who selects as the days of his Jubilee fast, three days out of Lent, this abstinence is not required.

Before passing from this branch of the subject, I should,

26 Questions Regarding the Jubilee.

perhaps, observe that in examining this case I have not con- sidered it necessary to take into account the clause in which the Congregation insists on the necessity of using only fasting fare, and to which, it seems, great importance has been attached by those who consider that under all circumstances, the use of eggs and lacticinia is inconsistent with the obser- vance of the fast required for the Jubilee. In the first place, it clearly follows from the principles already established that, as far as regards the case which we are now examining, such a clause could not suffice to prove the necessity of ab- staining from eggs and lacticinia. For undoubtedly, it allows the use of fasting fare ; and I have shown that, except in the special case of the Lenten fast, eggs and lacticinia are included under that designation. But, moreover, the clause, whatever be its meaning, has no reference to the case before us, for it merely expresses a rule laid down by the Sacred Congregation for the guidance of those who, availing themselves of the Papal indult, select three days in Lent for their Jubilee fast. It cannot therefore impose any obligation on those who do not avail themselves of that privilege. We may then conclude that this clause contains nothing at variance with the conclusion at which we have arrived, regarding the case of a person who observes the fast required for the Jubilee, on three days out of Lent.

Let us now examine how far this conclusion is sustained by the express authority of theologians. The question indeed seems to have escaped the attention of many amongst our most distinguished writers. But the unanimity with which those writers who have examined it, record their opinions gives their testimony such weight that it would be difficult to take exception to their authority.

"Existimo," says Sanchez,1 "satisfied omnibus his jejuniis [ratione voti aut Jubilaei observandis] extra quadragesimam factis, edendo lacticinia." And he quotes in support of this opinion the authority of Henriquez, Manuel, Metina, Angles, Azor, and several writers of lesser note. Cardinal De Lugo,2 after stating the opinion of Sanchez, adopts it in these words: — "Quae sententia mihi placet: et ita usus communis habet." Azor,3 is still more explicit. "Quid dicendum," he asks, "quum jejunia Romani Pontificis Jubilaeum concedentis auctoritate indicta sunt ? Respondeo : hujusmodi jejunia servari debere eo ritu et more quo juxta...gentis consuetu- dinem servantur jejunia caetera ecclesiastica quae in Quatuor

^De Decalogo, Lib. 4, cap. xi. n. 52.

• -De Sacramento Pceuitentiae, Disp. 27, sect, vii., n. 108.

'A Institutiones Morales, Lib. vii., cap. x., qusest. 2da.

The Nature of the Fast. 27

Temporibus Anni et in pervigiliis sanctorum dierum fes- torum coli et celebrari solent." The casuist, Gobat,1 also adopts it, and states with admirable clearness the argument on which it rests : — " Jejunium," he writes, " pro Jubilaeo exigitur tale quale Ecclesia praecipit fidelibus extra Jubilaeum. Ita Sanchez, ex communi. ... Et quia in jejuniis extra Quadragesimam non solet imperari abstinentia ab ovis et lacticiniis ; Bulla autem Jubilaei non exigit jejunium quadra- gesimale sed commune, idcirco non est opus ab iis abstinere pro Jubilaeo." Busembaum also supports this opinion: — "Extra Quadragesimam," he says,2 "licite vescitur ovis, qui debet jejunare v. g. ob Jubilaeum. And La Croix says3: — " Modus servandi [jejunium pro Jubilaeo lucrando injunctum] est, quern singulae Provinciae tune tenent in aliis jejuniis."

Hitherto I have quoted the opinions of the great Jesuit theologians, I shall now appeal to the leading members of other schools. The Thomist Billuart4 in answering the question "Quibus cibis uti debeat, qui tenetur jejunare sive ex voto...sive jubilae, lucrandi causa," says "Debere et posse uti iis cibis quibus concives communiter utuntur in jejuniis ec- clesiae tune occur rentibus, ita ut si utantur ovis et lacticiniis, possit iis uti." His adversary Henno, the great champion of the Scotist school, is perfectly at one with him on this point. In answering the same question he says,5 " Cibis illis [vesci potest] quibus utuntur fideles suae ecclesiae in jejuniis tune occttrrentibus : ita ut... debeat abstinere ab ovis si sit quadragesima et a solis carnibus si non sit'' Bonacina,6 in

answer to the question, " Quibus cibis vesci possit cui in-

dictum est jejunium a Papa in Jubilaeo?" says: — "Extra quadragesimam posse vesci lacticiniis aut aliis cibis qui...per-

mittuntur in temporibus anni et pervigiliis sanctorum

nam ita est intelligendum et observandum sicut intelli- guntur et observantur praecepta Ecclesiae." Ferraris7 also adopts this view, adding that it is the common opinion of theologians, " Jejunium," he says, " pro Jubilaeo exigitur tale quale ecclesiae praecipit fidelibus extra Jubilaeum. Communist In fine, M. Loiseaux, in his exhaustive treatise on the Jubilee,8 tells us, " Le principe ge"neralement admis par les auteurs est que le jeune present pour le Jubile est le jeune tel qu'il est

1 Opera Moralia, Tom i. tract, iii. cap. xxviii. n. 205.

2 Medulla Theologiae Moralis. De Praeceptis Ecclesiae. Dub. i.

3 Theologia Moralis, lib. vi. part ii. n. 1424.

4 Cursus Theologiae. De Virtutibus Justitiae Annexis. Diss. ii, art. ix, Petes 8°.

5 Theologia, Tract i. de Vitiis, appendix, quaest. ii. Petes 9°.

6 In Decalogum. De Praeceptis Ecclesiae. Disp. xi. punct 2. Quaest i., n. 6.

7 Biblio-theca in verb. Jubilaeum, art. iii. , n. 34.

R Traite Canonique ct Pratique du Jubile, ip, 274. Ed. Paris, 1859.

28 Questions Regarding the Jubilee.

impose par 1'Eglise hors du temps du Jubile." And he adds " Ce principe n'estpas contest^"

The authority of writers so eminent and so numerous is, no doubt, almost sufficient in itself to place beyond all contro- versy the truth of the opinion which they so clearly teach. But it may be useful to remark, as a circumstance which en- hances to a very great degree the value of their testimony, that, as far as I have been able to ascertain, the extracts I have quoted present the whole teaching of theologians upon this point So that amongst the writers who have considered the question, no difference of opinion exists in reference to it. Of such unanimity I venture to say, few examples can be found in the whole field of theological inquiry.

But it may, perhaps, be objected that the authority of these writers cannot be regarded as of much value in reference to the fast required for the present Jubilee, inasmuch as they speak only of what is required by virtue of the clause usually inserted in the Bull of Jubilee setting forth the obser- vance of three fasting days as a condition necessary for gaining the indulgence. While, in the present case, in addition to the Bull of His Holiness, we must take into account the recent decree of the Sacred Congregation of Indulgences explaining the nature of the fast, and, perhaps, imposing some additional obligations which were not required in the case of the earlier Jubilees of which theologians treat.

This difficulty vanishes when we reflect that in reality there is not in the decree referred to, any passage which can be re- garded as implying the necessity of any new conditions in the case of the present Jubilee. From the decree of the Congre- gation it follows, indeed, that the fast required on this occasion is a fast in the strict sense of the word, including the obliga- tions which regard the quality as well as those which regard the quantity of food which may be eaten. But, as may be seen by examining the extracts which I have quoted,1 the truth of this view of the nature of the Jubilee fast is assumed, if not expressly affirmed, by the theologians on whose au- thority I have relied. There is, then, no reason for regarding their testimony as, in any way, inapplicable to the case of the present Jubilee.

Coming, now, to the consideration of the second case, viz. : — that of a person who, availing himself of the privilege granted by the Holy Father, selects three days in Lent for the observ- ance of the fast required for the Jubilee, we shall find much

1 See pp. 26-7, especially the passages from Azor, Gobat, La Croix, Billuart, Henno, Bonacina, and Ferraris.

The Nature of the Fast, 29

less difficulty in ascertaining the nature of the fast which is required. From the principles already laid down, it clearly follows that in this case abstinence from eggs and lacticinia is necessary. For, as appears from the decree of the Sacred Congregation so frequently referred to, it is necessary to observe all these restrictions which on fasting days of obliga- tion are imposed by the law of the Church in reference to the quality of the food that may be eaten. NOWT, in Lent, that law imposes an obligation of abstaining from eggs and lacti- cinia ; they are not included under the designation of cibi esuriales in reference to the Lenten fast. Hence, abstinence from their use is necessary for all who wish, in gaining the Jubilee, to avail themselves of the privilege granted by His Holiness.

This being the case, it seems by no means improbable that, as the cibi Quadragesima les cannot be procured in Ireland without the greatest difficulty, large numbers of the faithful in this country will be unable to avail themselves of this privilege unless, indeed, an extension of it be obtained, removing the necessity of observing the strict Lenten fast. In connexion with this subject it may not be out of place to remark that during the Jubilee of 1858, under somewhat similar circum- stances, several applications for some modifications of the strict requirements of the Bull of Jubilee were successfully made at Rome. It is not unlikely that a representation of the difficulty attendant in this country on the observance of the strict Lenten fast would be favourably considered on the present occasion also.

In conclusion, I may observe that the privilege by virtue of which we are allowed to select three" days of Lent for the observance of the Jubilee fast, does not extend to other fast- ing days of obligation, such as the Vigil of the Feast of the Assumption, of All Saints Day, and the fasting days of Advent. For, although, it would at first sight appear to be implied by the words of the Bull, " Qui. . .praeter consneta quatnor anni tempera, tribus diebus . . .jefunaverint" that the observance of any fasting day except those of the Ember weeks, would suffice for the fulfilment of this condition, the Sacred Congregation of Indulgences has decided1 that, with the sole exception of the time of Lent, the fasts to be observed for the purpose of gaining the Jubilee must be distinct from those which are imposed by the precept of the Church.

W. J. W.

1 See Irish Ecclesiastical Record, No. Ix. , Vol. v., September, 1869, page 585.

30 LETTERS OF BALMEZ.

[An able Spanish scholar has, with the permission of the friends of the illustrious deceased author, favoured us with a translation of the Letters to a Skeptic by the late John Balmez, which is one of the most remarkable works with which the literature of Spain has been enriched in modern times. ]

I.— SKEPTICISM, RELIGIOUS AND PHILOSOPHICAL.

MY ESTEEMED FRIEND,

You have marked out a difficult task for me in your

letter when you speak to me of Skepticism. This is the problem of the age, the capital, the dominating question, which rises above all others, like the lofty cypress among the lowly brushwood. What do I think of Skepticism; what con- ception do I form of the actual situation of the human mind, touched as it is so deeply by this disease ? What are the probable results it must entail on the cause of religion ? All this do you desire I would tell you; to all these questions you require a formal and satisfactory answer, adding, "that, perhaps, in this way the darkness of your intellect may be somewhat dissipated, and you may be disposed to enter anew under the rule of faith."

You give me to understand you have some objections to my answers being too dogmatical and decisive; throwing out a charitable hint that "it is right for one to divest himself for a moment of his own convictions, and to endeavour to make philosophical discussion partake as little as possible of the immobility of religious doctrines." I could not help smiling when I read these words, seeing how mistaken you are as regards the true state of my mind, for you thought you should find me as dogmatical in philosophy as you did in religion. I think that through sheer force of declamation against the slavery of the Catholic's intellect, the Incredulists and Protestants have attained, in a great measure, their wicked object, persuading the incautious that our submission to the authority of the church, in matters of faith, impedes the flight of the mind in such a way, and destroys so completely the liberty of examination, even in branches unconnected with religion, that we are incapable of embracing an elevated and independent philo- sophy. Thus we have generally the misfortune of being judged without being known, and condemned without being heard. The authority exercised by the Catholic church over the intellect of the faithful by no means curtails the just and reasonable liberty expressed in those words of the sacred text : — He delivered up the world to the disputes of men.

I will even venture to add that Catholics, certain of the truth in the matter of most importance to them, can engage in purely philosophical questions with a more calm and tranquil mind than Incredulists and Skeptics, as there exists between them the same difference as between an observer who contemplates the terrestrial and celestial phenomena, from a position secure from all danger, and another who is compelled to make his observations from a fragile plank abandoned to the mercy of the waves. When will the enemies of religion comprehend that submission to legitimate authority has nothing of servility in it, and that the homage paid to dogmas revealed by God is not a base slavery, but the most noble exercise we can make of our freedom ? We, too, examine — we, too, doubt — we, too, launch forth on the sea of investigations; but we never lose sight of the compass, which is our faith; because by night and by day we continually desire to know where the polar star lies, that we may direct our course properly.

You speak of the weakness of our mind, of the uncertainty of human knowledge,

Skepticism, Religious and Philosophical. 3 1

of the necessity of discussing with that modest reserve inspired by the feeling of one's own debility; but what — really are not those reflections the most eloquent apology of our conduct ? Is not this the very thing we are continually insisting on when we establish and prove that it is useful, that it is prudent, that it is discreet, that is, indispensable to live subject to a rule ? Now, as the opportunity presents itself, and as straight-forwardness requires us to speak with all sincerity and frankness, I must tell you, my esteemed friend, that, except in religious matters, I am inclined to believe you did not carry your Skepticism as far as he whom you considered so dogmatical.

There was a time when the prestige of certain names, the hallucination produced by the brilliant aureola that encircled their brows, my want of experience of the scientific world, and, above all, the fire of youth eager to devour any noble and seducing fuel, had given me a lively faith in science, and made me anxiously look forward to the happy day, when I should be introduced into her temple to be initiated in her profound secrets, even if it were only as the last of her adepts. Oh ! that was the most beautiful illusion the human soul could labour under. The life of the learned appeared to me to be that of semi-gods on earth; and I recollect that more than once I fixed my eyes with infantile envy on the roof that sheltered a man of moderate talents, but whom I, in my inexperience, looked on as a giant. To penetrate the principles of all things, to raise the thick veil that covers the secrets of nature, to ascend to superior regions, discovering new worlds that escape the view of the profane, to breathe in an atmosphere of purest light, where the spirit could divest itself of the body, anticipating the enjoyment of the delights of a new and glorious future; these I believed to be the advantages to be reaped from science. I looked on the learned as wading in this felicity; the applause and glory with which they were surrounded coming in at the end to solace them during the fleet- ing moments in which, descending from their celestial excursions, they deigned to again set foot on earth.

Their investigations, I said to myself, about the beautiful, the sublime, good taste, and the passions, will supply them with infallible rules for producing in the minds of their audience or their readers the effect they desire; their studies in logic and ideology will give them a most clear knowledge of the operations of the mind, and of the manner of combining and guiding them to come at the truth in every class of subjects; mathematical and physical sciences should rend asunder the veil that covers the secrets of nature, and the entire creation, with all her mysteries and wonders, will be displayed to the eyes of the learned, as a rare and precious pic- ture is unfolded to the gaze of favoured spectators; psychology will give them a complete idea of the human soul, of its nature, of its relations with the body, of how its action is exercised on it, and how it receives the various impressions from it; the moral, social, and political sciences will display to them in a vast picture the admirable harmony of the moral world, the laws of the progress and perfection of society, and will supply them with infallible rules for governing well; in a word, I imagined science was a talisman that wrought marvels without number, and that whoever was so fortunate as to possess it was raised to an immense height above the vulgar herd of miserable humanity. Vain illusion, which very soon began to fade, and which in the end became divested of its foliage, like a flowret dried up by the ardent rays of the sun !

The more golden my dreams had been, and consequently the more eager I was to know what reality they contained, the more bitter was the lesson I received, and the sooner came the hour of discovering my mistake. Scarcely had I entered on those subjects, in which some important questions are examined, when my mind began to feel an undefinable restlessness, because I did not find myself sufficiently enlightened for what I read or heard. I smothered in the depth of my soul those thoughts, which would incessantly rise, without my being able to prevent them; and I endeavoured to silence my discontent by flattering myself with the hope that it was reserved for the future to have my desires entirely satisfied. " It must be necessary," I said to myself, "to see first the whole body of doctrine, of which you know but the first rudiments at present, and then, undoubtedly, you will discover the light and certainty you feel the want of now."

With difficulty could I have been persuaded at the time that men, whose lives were consumed in immense labours, and who offered to the world the fruit of their

32 Letters of Balmez.

toil with such security, had learned, in the serious subjects in which they employed themselves, little more than the art of speaking with facility for or against an opinion, creating a great noise with hollow words, and pompous discourses. I attributed all my difficulties, all my doubts, and all my scruples, to my dulness in compre- hending the sense of what such respectable authors told me, and, for this reason, the desire of knowing the art of learning took possession of me. The ancient chemists did not employ more pains in search of the philosopher's stone, nor modern politi- cians, in the discovery of the equilibrium of power, than I, in pursuit of that won- derful art ; and Aristotle, with his infinite sectaries, and Raymond Lullus, and Descartes, and Malabranche, and Locke, and Condillac, and I know not how many others, did not suffice to satisfy my ardour. One occupied and confounded me with a thousand rules about syllogysms; another looked on judgments and pro- positions of more importance ; another preferred clearness and exactness of percep- tion ; another overwhelmed me with precepts about method ; another led me by the hand to the investigation of the origin of ideas, but was sure to leave me in greater darkness than ever ; in fine, I was not long in remarking that each one moved in his favourite path, and that they would surely turn the head of whoever should persist in following them.

These gentlemen, who call themselves directors of the human intellect, I said to myself, do not understand each other. This is the tower of Babel, in which each one speaks his own tongue ; with this difference that there pride entailed the con- fusion as a punishment, whilst here the veiy confusion serves to increase the pride ; each one establishing himself as the only legitimate master, and pretending that all the rest present but apocryphal titles to the right of teaching. At the same time I remarked that the same, with very little difference, took place in all the other branches of human learning : from all which I found it was urgently necessary to banish the beautiful illusion I had formed about the sciences. These disenchant- ments had prepared my mind for a real revolution ; and though vacillating at first, I decided in the end on declaring against the scientific rulers, and raising a bannner in my intellect, I inscribed on it — DOT.VII vvith scientific authority.

I had nothing wherewith to substitute the rule I was after destroying, for if those respectable philosophers knew little about the deep questions, whose solution I was in search of, I knew less than they, for I knew nothing at all. You may ima- gine it was somewhat painful to me to consummate such a revolution ; and that I sometimes accused myself even of ingratitude, when carrying out the principle of destruction to its ultimate consequences, I was forced to exile such respectable parties as Plato, Aristotle, Descartes, Malebranche, Leibnitz, Locke, and Condillac. Anarchy was the necessary result of such a step ; but I willingly resigned myself to it, sooner than summon again to the government of my intellect those gentlemen who had deceived me so. Besides having once experienced the pleasure of liberty I had no desire to stain my triumph by passing through the Caudine-forks.

My mind, pressed, as it was, by the thirst after truth, could not remain in a state of complete inactivity, and so I began to seek for truth with greater pains, as I could not believe that man, while in this world, is condemned to be ignorant of it. Un- doubtedly, you will believe that a universal skepticism was the immediate result of my revolution, and that, concentrating myself within my own interior, I doubted of the existence of the surrounding world, and even of my own body, and, that fearing least my whole being should escape from me, and I should, as it were, by enchantment, find myself reduced to nothing, I grasped hastily at the reasoning of Descartes : — Ego cogito* ergo sum : I think, therefore I exist. But nothing of the sort, my es- teemed friend ; for though I had some inclination for his philosophy; yet I was not a fanatical admirer of the philosopher; and without much reflection I became con- vinced that to doubt of everything was to deprive oneself of the most precious part of human reason, which is common sense. I had some knowledge of the axiom or enthymema of Descartes, and of other similar propositions or principles ; but I was always under the impression that I was just as certain that I existed as that I thought, and my conviction of the existence of motion of my own body, of the impressions of the senses, of the world which surrounded me, could not be stronger ; and consequently, reserving to myself the right of feigning that doubt for a few moments, when leisure and humour should permit, I remained in quiet pos- session of all my former convictions and beliefs, save the so-called philosophical

Skepticism, Religions and Philosophical 33

ones. As regards these, I was then, I have been, and I will be, inexorable. Phi- losophy unceasingly proclaims examination, evidence, demonstration : be it so ; but let her know, at least, that as long as we are men, and nothing more, we will regulate our convictions as we should, by following the inspirations of common sense ; but in the moments when we become philosophers, which in every man's case are few and far between, we will incessantly claim the right of examination ; we will require evidence ; we will demand dry demonstration. Whoever reigns in the name of a principle must inevitably resign himself to suffer all the irreverence that springs from the consequences.

It is clear, that in this universal shipwreck of my philosophical convictions, my religious ones rode safely at anchor ; I had acquired them by other means ; they presented themselves to me with other titles, and above all, they tended of them- selves to direct my conduct, to make me not wise but good ; consequently, my pyrrhonic susceptibility did not become excited against them. Even more, far from feeling any inclination to separate myself from the belief and convictions, with which I had been inspired in my infancy, I became convinced of their necessity, and even of the interest I had in preserving them ; for I began to regard them as the only plank of salvation in this boisterous sea of human cavillations. The desire of clinging to the Catholic faith increased, when occupying myself sometime ; with a spirit of complete independence, in the examination of the transcendent questions which philosophy proposes for solution, I found myself surrounded on all sides by dense darkness, without being able to discover more light than a few doubtful rays, which, instead of illumining my path, but served to render visible the profundity of the abyss on whose brink I was standing.

For this reason did I preserve the Catholic faith in the depth of my soul as a treasure of inestimable value ; for this reason, on finding myself tortured in sight of the nothingness of the science of man, and when doubt appeared to be taking pos- session of my whole mind, causing the entire universe to disappear from before my eyes, as fade from the view of the spectators the false illusions with which a clever juggler might have entertained them for a few moments, would I cast a glance at my faith, and the sole recollection of it was sufficient to comfort and sus- tain me.

On running over the questions, which, like unfathomable seas, surround the prin- ciples of morality ; on examining the incomprehensible problems of ideaology and metaphysics ; on casting a glance over the mysteries of history, and Jhe scruples of the art of criticism ; on contemplating humanity in its actual existence, and in the dark secrets of its future, melancholy thoughts would sometimes flit through my brain, like unknown monsters which poke out their heads, and frighten the tra- veller on solitary shores ; but I had faith in Providence and Providence saved me. Here is how I reasoned to fortify myself, trusting to grace that my weak efforts might not be sterile. " If you cease to be a Catholic, you will not certainly be- come a Protestant, or Jew, or Mussulman, or idolater ; you will then be into Deism in one spring. Then you will find yourself with one God, but you will know nothing about your origin or destiny ; nothing about the incomprensible mysteries which, from experience, you see and feel within yourself and all humanity ; nothing about the existence of rewards and punishments in the other world ; about the other life ; about the immortality of the soul ; nothing about the motives Providence could have in condemning his creatures to so many sufferings on earth, without giving them any knowledge which could console them, or any hope of a better fate ; you will know nothing of the great catastrophes which the human lineage has suffered, suffers, and will yet suffer ; in a word, you will no where find the action of Providence, consequently you will not find God, and so you must doubt of his existence, if you do not decidedly embrace Atheism. Without the God of the universe the world is the offspring of chance, and chance is a word without meaning, and nature is an enigma, and the human soul is an illusion, and moral relations are nothing, and morality itself is a lie. Logical, necessary, inflex- ible consequence ; fatal term which man cannot contemplate without shuddering ; dark and unfathomable abyss, which canno, be approached without horror and dread."

In this way did I measure the road I should inevitably pursue, once separated from the Catholic faith, if I should attempt to continue in the philosophical

VOL. VI. 2

34 Letters of Balmez.

examination, deducing consequences from the principles I would have established at the moment of my defection. I had no wish to reach such stupidity, I had no wish to commit suicide in any such way by destroying my intellectual and moral existence, and extinguishing at a blast the only lamp that could illumine me through the short course of life. Thus have I a great want of confidence in the science of man, but profound religious faith ; you may call it pusillanimity or by what other name you please, but I do not believe I will be sorry for my resolution when I shall find myself on the brink of the grave.

There are in the regions of science, as well as in the paths of practice, certain rules of sound judgment and prudence from which a man should never wander. Everything that struggles with the cry of common sense, with the voice of nature itself, for the purpose of indulging in vain cavillations, is foreign to the prudence, as it is contrary to the principles of sound reason. On this account a system of univer- sal skepticism even in purely philosophical matters, should be condemned; without its being necessary for all that to blindly embrace the opinions of this or that school. But where sobriety in the use of reason particularly suits is in religious matters ; for, these being of a very high order, and galling in many points, the irregular inclinations of the heart, as soon as reason commences to cavil and sub- tilize too much, a man finds himself in a labyrinth in which he pays dearly for his presumption and pride. The intellect falls into a weariness and indescribable prostration from the moment it rises up against heaven ; as history tells us of that arm which on the instant it was extended to a sacred object felt itself struck with paralysis. And mark it well ! religious skepticism is found in the midst of earthly prosperity alone ; it takes up its residence tranquilly in man only when full of life and health, when he regards as a distant eventuality the supreme instant when it will be imperative on the spirit to divest itself of this mental body and pass to another life. But the moment this existence is in danger, when sickness comes as the herald of death, to announce to him that the terrible passage is not far distant, when an unforeseen risk warns us we are hanging from a thread over the abyss of eternity, then Skepticism ceases to be at all satisfactory ; the false security it produced a little before turns into an uncertainty cruel, torturing, full of remorse, of horror, of dread. Then skepticism ceases to be pleasant, and becomes terrible ; and in this mortal prostration a man seeks the light and he discovers it not ; he calls on faith, and faith answers not ; he invokes God, and God attends not to his tardy invocations.

And to experience what a cruel torment of the soul Skepticism is, it is not necessary to find oneself in these formidable moments when man fixes his fearful gaze on the darkness of an uncertain future ; in the ordinary course of life, in the midst of the most common events, he feels how the poison of the viper he is nourishing in his bosom falls drop by drop on his afiiicted heart. -There are moments in which pleasures weary, the world disgusts, life becomes heavy, ex- istence trails along over a time that advances with sluggish step. A profound weariness takes possession of the soul ; an indescribable ill-humour tortures and torments him. It is not overpowering grief corroding the heart ; it is not a sadness subduing the spirit, and forcing from it painful sighs, through means of torturing recollections ; it is a passion which has in it nothing lively or sharp ; it is a mortal langour, it is a disgust of everything that surrounds us ; it is a painful stupidity of all the faculties, like that restless stupor which in certain ailments announces a dangerous crisis. For what purpose am I in the world, man says, to himself : What advantages do I derive from my having emerged from the state of nothingness? What can I lose by departing from the sight of a world which is parched up for me ; of a sun which shines not for me ? To-day is insipid as yesterday was, and to-morrow will be more so than to-day ; my soul seeks after enjoyment, and it enjoys not ; it is avaricious of happiness, and it does not attain it ; exhausting itself like a lamp that dies out for want of sustenance. Have you not often felt, my esteemed friend, this torment of the fortunate ones of the world — this gnawing worm of those who pretend to be superior to all others ? — did that movement of desperation which presents itself to man as the only remedy for so insupportable an evil, never raise its head in your breast ? Well, believe me, one of its sad causes is Skepti- cism— that vacuum of the soul which disturbs and torments her — that dreadful absence of all faith, of all hope — that uncertainty regarding God, regarding

Skepticism, Religious and Philosophical. 35

nature, regarding the origin and end of man. A vacuum, all the more sensible as it seizes on souls exercised in the art of reasoning through the study of the sciences, excited in all their mental faculties by a moral literature, which only aims at producing effects, though that effect be an electric shock or a galvanic con- vulsion ; souls which feel all their passions kindled and sharpened by a crafty world, which speaks to them in all languages, and excites them in a thousand ways, as it commands an infinity of resources.

Here you have, my esteemed friend, what I think of Skepticism and its effects on the human mind. I regard it as one of the characteristic plagues of the epoch, and one of the most terrible chastisements God has inflicted on the human race.

How can an evil of such magnitude be remedied ? I know not ; but what I will presume to say is, that its progress can be retarded ; and I am inclined to believe that this will be done, at least for the interest of society, for the order and well- being of the family, for the repose and quiet of the individual. Skepticism has not fallen on a sudden on the civilized world : it is a gangrene which has spread slowly ; slowly, too, must it be remedied ; and it would be one of the most stupendous prodigies of the right hand of the Omnipotent, if the course of many generations should not be necessary to effect its cure.

From this you will perceive, my esteemed friend, that I do not form illusions regarding the true state of things, and that whilst I float in the midst of the waves, on the plank that will bring me to a port of safety, I do not lose sight of the destruction that exists around me ; I do not forget the dreadful catas- trophe that has befallen the mind of man through a fatal concurrence of cir- cumstances during the last three centuries.

How is it, you say, that God permits humanity to fluctuate in the midst of so many errors, and to err as it does regarding the very points that interest it most ? This difficulty is not limited to the divine permission with regard to the dissent- ing sects, but extends to all other religions ; and as these have been many and very extravagant since the human race wandered from the purity of the primitive traditions, the objection embraces universal history, and to require its solution is nothing less than to demand the key to the explanation of the secrets which are found in such abundance in the history of the children of Adam.

This is not a subject that lends itself to a brief explanation, if the little which weak man can reach in so profound a mystery can be called an explanation ; be this as it may, I shall endeavour to do it in another letter, now that the present has assumed greater proportions than were desirable.

You have now my opinion on religious skepticism, and on the compatibility of Catholic faith, with a prudent distrust in the systems of philosophers. Many, perhaps, will not be pleased with this way of regarding things ; nevertheless experience shows that the mind is perfectly at home in this state, and that a certain degree of scientific skepticism renders religious faith more light and tolerable. If I were not detained in that faith by the authority of a Church that counts more than eighteen centuries of duration ; that faith which has in confirmation of its divinity its preservation through so many storms, the blood of innumerable martyrs, the fulfilment of the prophecies, infinite miracles, the sanctity of its doctrine, the ele- vation of its dogmas, the purity of its morals, its admirable harmony with every- thing that participates of the beautiful, the grand, the sublime ; the ineffable benefits, it has showered on the family and society, the fundamental change it has realised in favour of humanity in all places where it has been established, and the degradation, the debasement I see ruling without exception where it does not hold sway ; if, I say, I had not this imposing collection of motives to preserve me addicted to my faith, I would yet make an effort to avoid separating from it, if it were for no other reason than that I might not lose my peace of soul.

Cast a glance around, my esteemed friend, and you will behold nothing on any side but horrid shoals, desert regions, inhospitable shores. This is the only asylum for sad humanity ; let whoever wishes surrender himself to the fury of the waves, I will not leave this blessed dry land on which Providence placed me.

If some day or other, fatigued and wearied with contending with the tempest, you approach this fortunate shore, happy shall your humble servant consider himself if he can be of any service to you by reaching you a friendly hand. Till then he" has the honour of subscribing himself your fond and attached friend, J. B.

THE LIFE OF ST. PATRICK, APOSTLE OF

IRELAND. BY M. F. CUSACK.

W E are happy to announce that Part the First of the long- expected " Life of St. Patrick," by the gifted authoress of the " Illustrated History of Ireland," and of other interesting works, has at length been published. It was, indeed, a dis- grace to our Catholic nation for the past that there was no Life of our great Apostle accessible to the generality of readers. Now, thanks to the Convent of Kenmare, this re- proach can no longer be made to us ; and, to judge from the Part just published, we may safely pronounce not only that due honour will at length be shown to the hallowed memory of the great saint, who brought the gladsome tidings of re- demption to our shores, but that few countries of the world can boast of a nobler literary monument to their first mis- sionaries than will be here presented through devotion to St. Patrick. It is not only the matter of the work that we have to praise. 'All its details — its title-page, its rich, artistic borders, its highly-ornamented initial letters, its beautiful engravings, are all deserving of the highest commendation.

The present Part consists of a Preface, in which the efforts of Dr. Todd, and others in the same field, are briefly reviewed, and four chapters. A few passages from the fourth chapter will suffice to give our readers some idea of the manner in which the saint's history will be found illustrated in the present valuable work.

Having described at great length the circumstances con- nected with the captivity of St. Patrick with Milcho, the Life thus commemorates the various sites which were sanctified by our saint's presence at this period : —

" The writer in the Scholiast on St. Fiacc's Hymn states that Milcho dwelt in Arcuil, a valley in the north of Dala- raida, near Mount Mis, now Slemish. Hence, the very place where St. Patrick spent his years of lonely servitude can be accurately identified even at the present day.

" This district is now called the valley of the Braid, from a river of that name which flows through it. The site where St. Patrick had the vision in which he was commanded to fly from his master is still marked by the ruins of an ancient church. The valley through which the Braid flows divides the parishes of Skerry and Rathcavan, and the whole district, as might be expected, is rich in memorials of the saint. It

The Life of St. Patrick, Apostle of Ireland. 37

should be visited by the pilgrim, after a previous noting down of each site, and the subject which it commemorates.

" Skerry was anciently called Sciric (rocky). Tradition assigns the foundation of this church to St. Patrick. The present ruins are not of very great antiquity, but close beside them there are traces of a smaller building, which was probably erected at an earlier date. Such, at least, is the opinion of Dr. Reeves, a high authority on all matters of antiquarian investigation. The present ruin measures 64 feet by 1 8 feet 10 inches. There is a rock close to the north-east angle of the church, where a faint impression of a footmark may be seen. This is called St. Patrick's footmark, but it should be more properly termed St. Victor's, since all tradition avers that the angel left this mark when he visited St. Patrick. Colgan informs us that when he wrote (in 1647) this place was a famous pilgrimage.

" There is a holy well in the neighbourhood, a little to the south of the hill of Skerig. It is mentioned on the Ordnance Map as Tubernacool holy well. There is a townland called Ballytigpatrick, in the valley of the Braid, between Slemish and Skerry.

" While St. Patrick was with Milcho, this king had a dream or vision, in which he saw his servant come into the house where he was, and flames of fire appeared to issue from his head. Milcho thought that "the flame broke upon him to burn him," but he drove it from him and it did him no harm. His son and daughter were with him, and it seemed as if it consumed them entirely, and their ashes were scattered all over Erinn. Milcho called Patrick at once and told him his vision, which the saint interpreted to him thus : The fire which thou sawest on me is the faith of the Trinity which burns within me, and it is this faith which I shall hereafter preach unto thee, but thou wilt not believe. Thy son, however, and thy daughter, they will believe, and the fire of grace shall consume them."

The vision which summoned our saint from captivity, and the circumstances of his flight, are next described ; and then the spot whence he set sail for Gaul is thus accurately de- fined :—

"The Bollandists read veni ad Benum in the place where the Book of Armagh reads Dirigabar ad bonum. It will be observed that St. Patrick avoids all mention of places in his Confes- sion either intentionally, or more probably by accident, hence the only localities named there were those where his family resided. Dr. Lanigan considers the Bollandist version correct, and says, indeed, what is obviously true, that a transcriber

38 Documents,

meeting with the word benum, which he did not understand, would be more likely to write 'bonum,' than to write the former word for the latter. The Bollandists, therefore, make the saint embark at the mouth of the Boyne. But both Dr, Lanigan and Dr. Todd have shown that this argument is untenable. The Boyne is always Latinized Boindiis, or, ac- cording to Ptolemy, Bovinda. If the word is a proper name it may more correctly be referred to Bantry. The ancient name of the district was Bentraighe, the shore of the Ben, so that Ben, Latinized into Benum, was the Bay. If this theory be correct it agrees with the almost universal reading, that St. Patrick journeyed two hundred miles to the ship.

"The saint informs us himself that he arrived at land after a three days' sail. This is exactly the time which would be re- quired in those days for a voyage from a southern Irish port to the northern part of Gaul. It must be conjectured from St. Patrick's own narrative that the place where he landed was some considerable distance from the place where his family then resided. He writes thus: After three days we landed, and for twenty days we wandered through a desert"

Whilst, however, we give a hearty welcome to the "Life of St. Patrick", there is one short passage at page ix. of the Preface which we would wish to see unwritten. It seems, perhaps contrary to the intention of the writer, to cast a slur on an eminent Catholic publisher of this city, and we cannot at all concur in the sentiments expressed there. On the contrary, we feel convinced that the publisher referred to has laboured well and successfully in the cause of Catholic Ireland, and we know of no man at the present day who has done so much to present an untainted Catholic and National literature to our people.

D O C U M EN TS.

I.— RESCRIPT FROM THE HOLY SEE GRANTING PERMISSION FOR THE USE OF WHITEMEATS IN IRELAND ON THE FASTING DAYS FOR GAINING THE PRESENT JUBILEE.

BEATISSIME PATER,

Paulus Cardinalis Cullen, Archiepiscopus Dublinensis,

Beatitudini Vestrae eo quo par est obsequio exponit, quod, ob

defectum olei, fructuum, et etiam leguminum, in Hibernia,

Documents. 39

difficile omnino esset ac fere impossibile ut maxima pars populi adimplere posset conditionem jejunandi solis cibis quadragesimalibus (di magro stretto) ad effectum Jubilaeum lucrandi. Orator igitur humillime petit ut B. V. benigne in- dulgere dignetur ut praedicta conditio jejunii pro Jubilaeo in Hibernia lucrando cum sola abstinentia a carnibus, ser- vato caeteroquin ipso jejunio quoad quantitatem, adimpleri possit.

"Ex Audientia Sanctissimi, diei 29 Augusti, 1869: —

" Sanctissimus D. N. Pius Divina Providentia Papa IX., referente me infrascripto Sacrae Congregationis de Propaganda Fide Secretario benigne annuit pro gratia juxta preces"

Datum Romae ex A edibus dictae Sacrae Congregationis. Die et anno praedictis.

Gratis sine ulla solutione quocumque titulo.

JOANNES SIMEONI, Secretarius.

Concordat cum originali. & PAULUS CARDINALIS CULLEN, Archiep. Dublinensis.

IL— DECRETUM.

QUO FACULTAS CONCEDITUR EPISCOPIS LATINI RITUS EORUMDEMQUE SACERDOTIBUS ROMAM PRO CONCILIO OECUMENICO VATICANO CONVENIENTIBUS SESE CON- FORMANDI KALENDARIO ET PROPRIO CLERI ROMANI.

" Sanctissimus Dominus Noster Pius Papa IX., ad enixas preces Rmi D. Josephi Fessler Episcopi Sancti Hippolyti ac proximi Concilii Oecumenici Vaticani a Secretis ab infras- cripto Substitute Secretario SS. Rituum Congregationis re- latas, de speciali gratia benigne annuit, ut Sacrorum Antis- tites Ritus Latini, qui Roman venient ad praedictum Concilium, eorum in Urbe commoratione durante, in Sacro- sancti Missae Sacrificii celebratione et in Horarum Canoriica- rum recitatione pro eorum lubitu conformare se valeant Kalendario etProprio Cleri ipsius Urbis: quo quidem privilegio, indulsit, ut frui possint Sacerdotes eorumdem servitio addicti vel tamquam Consultores vel tamquam Capellani.

Contrariis non obstantibus quibuscumque. Die 19 Aug. 1869.

C. Episcopus Portuens. et S. Rufinae

Card. PATRIZI S. R. C., Praefectus. R. P. D. BARTOLINI, Secretarius

JOSEPHUS ClCCOLINI, Substitut.

40 Documents.

III.— LETTER OF OUR MOST HOLY FATHER PIUS IX., TO HIS EMINENCE CARDINAL CULLEN, ARCHBISHOP OF DUBLIN.

PIUS PAPA IX.

Dilecte Fili Noster, Salutem et Apostolicam Benedictionem, Multae clarae et illustres singularis Tui et istius Diaecesis fidelium erga Nos et hanc Apostolicam Sedem amoris signi- ficationes quotidie magis elucent. Siquidem, Dilecte Fili Noster, non mediocris pecuniae summa a Te et ab eisdem fidelibus denuo hisce diebus fuit missa ad Nostras et ejusdem Sedis sublevandas angustias. Itaque maximas Tibi et ipsis fidelibus agimus grates, ac Deum adprecamur, ut Te et fideles Tuae vigilantiae concreditos uberrimis divinae suae gratiae donis abunde remunerare velit. lam vero nee novi, nee in- expectati Nobis esse poterant sinceri, et egregii Tui sensus, et vota, quibus prae laetitia gestiens amantissime Nobis gra- tularis quinquagesimum anniversarium diem, quo primitus Hostiam Sanctam Immaculatam omnipotent! Deo immola- vimus. lamdiu enim probe noscimus quanta Nos dilectione et observantia prosequaris. Per Te autem vel facile intelligere potes, Dilecte Fili Noster, quanta perfundamur consolatione, quantasque in humilitate cordis nostri gratias Deo agamus pro felici sanctissimae nostrae religionis rerum conversione, quae in ista Dublinensi Diaecesi locum habuit. Ne desinas una cum Tuo Clero, Populoque fideli ferventissimas miseri- cordiarum Patri offerre preces, ut omnipotent} sua virtute efficiat ut ex Oecumenico Concilio a Nobis indicto ac die 8, futuri mensisDecembris Immaculatae DeiparaeVirginisMariae Conception! sacro inchoando maxima et optata in catholicam Ecclesiam, et humanam societatem bona redundent, ut omnes dissipentur errores, ac scelera, et vitia eliminentur, omnesque miseri errantes ad justitiae, veritatis, ac salutis semitas reducantur. Demum non dubitamus, quin persuasissimum Tibi sit, praecipuam prorsus esse, qua Te merito prosequimur, benevolentiam. Cujus quoque pignus accipe Apostolicam Benedictionem, quam ex intimo corde profectam Tibi, Dilecte Fili Noster, et gregi Tuae curae^commisso peramanter imperti- mus.

Datum Romae apud Sanctum Petrum die 23 Augusti anno 1869. Pontificatus Nostri anno Vicesimoquarto.

PIUS PAPA IX.

A ncient Monasteries of Ireland. 4 1

MONASTICON HIBERNICUM;

OR,

A SHORT ACCOUNT OF THE ANCIENT MONASTERIES OF IRELAND.

[N. B. — The text of the " Monasticon" is taken verbatim from Archdall : the notes marked with numbers are added by the Editors. ]

COUNTY OF ARMAGH.

PRIORY OF THE CuLDEi.36

The Culdei, or Colidei, were secular priests, and served in the choir of the cathedral of Armagh; their president was called the prior of the college of the Culdei, and was as a pre- centor to the said church ; upon a vacancy a prior was elected by the whole college of the Culdei, but he received his confir- mation from the archbishop/

A.D. 779. Died Kernach, called the prior of Armagh ; he seems to have been brother to St. Feardachrich, the abbot of the monastery of St. Peter and St. Paul, who died in the year 768.z

863. Died the prior Kethernach, the son of Farnech.a

919. On the loth of November, Godfred Hua Himhair, King of the Danes of Dublin, plundered this town, but he spared the college of the Colidei.b

982. Died the prior Muredach, he was the son of Muregan.c

1001. Died the prior Trener.d

*Wai.Wbrks>'uoL''ii.p.2&$. lTr.Tk.p.2^ a Flaherty sup. *Tr. Tk. p. 295. VoT. *Id. d/</./.297.

36 The word Culdaeus, whence the English Culdee, was first used by Hector Boece, as an equivalent for the Irish word Cele-De, which is composed of Cele — friend, servant — and De, the genitive of Dia, God. It represents the Latin expres- sion servus Dei, which was in general use to designate a person who followed the monastic life. According to Dr. Reeves it was not a distinctive name borne uniformly by any one order, but was a term of various application borne both by regulars and by seculars. There were establishments of Culdees at Clonmacnoise, Clondalkin, Monahincha, Devenish, Clones, Pubble, and Scattery. The Culdees passed from Ireland into Scotland, then into York, and to the Isle of Bardsey in Wales. At Armagh they served in the cathedral at the choir and altar, until the introduction of the canons regular in 1126 diminished their influence and import- ance. It was at that date that their prior became precentor in the cathedral. He was generally beneficed, and there exists in primate Mey's register an account of a decision of the year 1448, to the effect that the priory of the Colidei, being a simple office, and without cure, was not incompatible with a benefice.

42

Ancient Monasteries of Ireland,

1052. Died the prior Gilda Patrick, he was the son of Domnald.6

1063. Died the prior Madagan Hua Kelechain.f 1089. Died the prior Gilda Patrich Hua Kelechain.e By an inquisition taken in the 33rd year of King Henry VIII., it appears that this house was called the priory of the Colidei of Armagh, and that the religious therein were incor- porated oy the name of the prior and Colidei of Armagh ; that the prior was then seized of seven ballyboes or townlands in the county, viz., Cannadisse, Lisleagh, Ennogsegurt, Agha- villic, Lisvonnowe, Killenure, and Maghocarrell.

ACRES. Fennenoaghan ... 5 Rosmore ... 3 Mulloghchonghan 20

ACRES. Lissegall ... Molloghdromgallon ... 20 lying in Ballone- honarmore

ACRES. Brughnesegart ... ... 3 lying in the townland of Mullaghmore Brodonaghan ... ... 20 lying in Ballynchone- beg

Aghtern, alias Clarragh Lannigley, alias Giltneglogh, lying")

in the townland of Farene-/- 4 ,, ,,

koogan ... ... ...}

Lissaghkerrell, near Monaskellig 3 ,, ,,

Lackmullack ... ... 4 A messuage ,,

Gol worth, near Cavanakagh ... 60 ,, ,,

lying in Mullagh-) fagh ... ...>

In le Bend, in Ballyhurclain ... 20 A stable Rectory of Mullaghbrack Rectory and vicarage of 24 town-")

lands of the church of Toaghy, >

alias Derenoose ... ...)

jRectory of Tynan

Rectory of Mounterkenny, . alias)

Tannagbie ... ...)

Vicarage of Leballyeglisse Rectory of Donaghmore, in the)

county of Tyrone ... ...f

Rectory of Clonfeacle, in said

county Rectory of Spoctane, in county o:

Armagh ...

All the tithes in the seven town- lands of Kilnefegart, alias

Fieghth ... Rectory of Tomachbryn

ACRES. IN ARMAGH.

4 house in possession of James Berkeley,

A messuage ,, Messuage ,,

A cowhouse, &c. A tenement, &c.

A messuage ,,

Robert Jordan.

Donald Savage. Pat. Oge O'Heyre, Elis Crawley.

Thady Crawley.

Same. Robert Moore.

B. M'Rory.

Manus M 'Carrey. Gael O'Monaghan, Thady Crawley. H. Oge M 'Codden

John Davis.

John Rudworth.

,, ,, Percy Williams.

Three messuages near the Franciscan friary.

C7>. T/i. p. 299. f/</.

299.

The County A rmagh, 43

Within the precincts of the priory, an hall, unum magnum atrium, Anglice, a great backside, and a messuage built therein, and another backside and messuage.11

By another inquisition, taken March 24th, 1625, it appears that the prior, with his brethren, had totally forsaken the priory, and were all dead about twenty-five years before the holding of this inquisition ; that Sir Toby Caulfield, Lord Charlemount, had, about the year 1620 received, as seneschal to Henry, then archbishop of Armagh, the rents of the said Ballyboes, and that John Symons, clerk, had, from the feast of All Saints, 1623, to the day of the taking of this inquisition, received the profits of tlie said ballyboes, and of the tenements in the town of Armagh ; that the rent of the seven townlands was £46, and that Symons had expended part thereof in erecting some stalls in the choir of the cathedral.137

TEMPLE BRiGiD38 Is said to have been founded in this town by St. Patrick.k

TEMPLE FARTAGH,39

Or the church of the Miracles, was founded without the town by the same saint, for St. Lupita, his eldest sister, who was buried here j1 and in the beginning of the last century, her body was

^King p. 133. iKing, p. 134. *War. Man. lUsher. Tr. Th. /. 19. War. Mon.

37 In 1619, August 1st, there was a royal letter to grant these lands for a choir at Armagh. On 7th April, 1627, King Charles granted a charter founding the college of King Charles in the cathedral church of Armagh; and this body of vicars choral adopted the old name and called themselves Collideans. In 1634, a new charter was granted to remedy some defects in the former one; and, in 1722, George I. issued a supplemental charter in their favour. The vicars holdings in the city of Armagh represent the original site of the old Culdee priory. They are near the cathedral ground on the south-east.

38 This little abbey church of St. Brigid is a very ancient foundation. It stood outside the rath, and quite close to the site of the present Catholic church. The "Annals of Ulster" and the "Four Masters," at 1085, record the death of Gormgael Loighseagh, coarb of the Regies Brighcle at Armagh. In 1179 the "Annals" record a wide-spread conflagration which spared the church of St. Brigid, though it consumed the greater part of the city. In 1189, Armagh was burned from St. Brigid's cross to the Regies Brighde. At the time of the dissolution of religious houses St. Brigid's was a nunnery, and in inquisitions and patents it is always coupled with Temple-Fertagh. An inquisition of 1 612 finds that it was a nunnery, and that after the dissolution it was occupied by a certain singer who resided in said monastery, place, or house called Templebreed. (Ul. Inq. Armagh,No.3, Jac. I.) In 1616, it was granted to Francis Edgeworth, assignee of John Eyres. In 1619, it was passed by patent to Sir Francis Annesley, in whose family, as Earls of Anglesey, it was transmitted, till in 1799 the assignment of a lease was converted into a fee by Leonard Dobbin.

39 Na Ferta, or the graves, was the first spot granted by Daire to St. Patrick on his arrival in Armagh, and was the site of the first church there erected by the

44 Ancient Monasteries of Ireland.

found buried deeply under the rubbish of her ancient nunnery, in a standing posture ; two crosses were also discovered closely guarding the body before and behind.™

January 9, 1618, King James granted the monasteries of Temple Fartagh, and Temple Breed, to Francis Annesley, Esq.n

DOMINICAN FRIARY. 40

Porter, in his annals tells us, that there was one at Armagh ; which is more than probable, otherwise the primate Scanlain, who was of that order, would not ha\ie made his foundation for the friar's minor.0

FRANCISCAN FRIARY.**

The friars of the order of St. Francis were brought into this town A.D. i26i,P and Patrick Scanlain, who was then primate, built a house for them two years after ;q though Wadding, the Franciscan, as quoted by Allemande, assures us, that it was founded in the year 1291, by O'Donnell.r

Michael, the divinity lecturer, was elected archbishop in I303-8

. p. 184. *Lodge, vol. ii. p. 274 n. °Burke, p. 339. *Ann. Ulton. . Mss. vol. 34. 1 'Allemande. *War. Bishops, p. 71.

saint. The word Ferta of itself signifies sepulchres or miracles; but that it has the former meaning here is plain from a passage in the " Book of Armagh. " Jocelin renders this name Festum Miraculorum, which interpretation, adopted by Ussher and Colgan, has passed into our author's text. The designation Ferta Martyrum is derived from the relics of the holy martyrs placed there by St. Patrick. At 1078 the " Annals of Innisfallen " record the death of " Dubtach Na Sochaind, sage priest of Na Ferta, at Armagh." On September 25, 1430, Primate Swayne wrote from Termonfechin to David M'Gillade, Prior of the Culdees of Armagh, directing him to procure redress for the Abbess of Na Ferta, whose rights had been invaded by certain persons. At the dissolution of religious houses the possessions - of this convent passed, with so much other ecclesiastical property, to the Annesley family, and in the last century, by purchase, into other hands. The place where this nunnery stood is now traversed by Dobbin-street.

40 In Dr. Reeves' opinion there is not a shadow of authority for the existence of a Dominican friary at Armagh. " The Four Masters," he observes (Op. Cit. p. 32. ) *' At the year 1264, relate that the archbishop of Armagh, Maelpatrick CfScannail, brought the friars minors to Armagh; and, according to tradition^ it was MacDonnell Galloglegh that commenced the erection of the monastery. Here pro- bably lies the secret of this preference. This MacDonnell was chief of O'Neill's gallowglasses, and the building of the house being his work, it is likely that his choice, or the will of O'Neill, whose family was always attached to the Franciscans, turned the scale in their favour. "

41 At 1266, the " Annalists" record " Maelpatrick O'Scannail, primate of Armagh, brought the friars minor to Armagh, and afterwards cut a broad and deep trench around the church." In 1357, the guardian of this house appealed to the Pope at Avignon against the acts of the primate, Richard Fitz- Ralph. In 1442, Nimeas O'Lochlen received from the primate permission to preach indulgences throughout Ireland. In 1450, primate Mey sojourned in this house. In 1455, the diocese

The County Armagh, 45

A.D. 1353. Gormlagh, the daughter of J. O'Donnell, and formerly wife of Donald O'Neil prince of Ulster, dying on the 1 4th of April, was buried in this monastery.11

The Franciscans of the strict observance began to reform this friary in 1518,° but it was not then perfected. In 1580, Walter M'Cuard was guardian,w and in 1583, Solomon M'Conny was guardian, in whose time the reformation was completed.35

CLONFEAKLE.

St. Lugud, or Lugaid,42 the son of Tailchan, was abbot of Cluain-fiacul, that is, the church of the Tooth, so named from a tooth of St. Patrick which was said to have been preserved here. St. Lugud was a very aged man in the year 58o.y

Clonfeakle is now a parish church, about five miles from Armagh.z

KiLMORE. St. Mochtee, who afterwards built Louth, founded Kilmo-

!

.p. 309. "-War. Mss. vol. ocxxw. ^ King, p. 309. *Id. ?Tr. Th. p. 8. Act. SS. p. 453. Usher, p. 496. *Liber visit.

was laid under an interdict, but a relaxation was granted by the primate, in favour of McCrener, the guardian. In 1518, the convent was obtained for the Franciscans of the strict observance. In 1565, the convent was destroyed, and the friars retired to places of security. They were discovered by one Donald, and the consequence was that friars Roger M'Congail, Conatius Macuarta, and Fergal Bardeus, were stripped and flogged through the principal streets.

On the 3rd July, 1620, the pseudo-primate, Hampton, received a patent in which the site and precinct of the Franciscan monastery was granted to the see. The ruins of the building may yet be traced within the demesne.

The author makes no mention of the church dedicated to St. Columba, which stood in Armagh. Dr. Reeves gives the following particulars connected with it. The " Annals of Ulster," at 1010, state that " Donadhach, of the church of Colum- cille, in Armagh, fell asleep in Christ." The " Four Masters," at 1152, record the death of ' ' Ferghall Ha Fercubhais, lecturer of Armagh for a time, and of the regies (or abbey church) of Columkille, in Armagh, for a time. In 1614, temple Columkilly is mentioned as in the street called Bore-netrian-Sassenach, and a northern limit of the premises of St. Peter and St. Paul's abbey. In Bogue's map of 1760, the site of St. Columba's church is laid down as due north of the meeting- house, at the opposite side of Abbey-street.

42 The. St. Lugaid referred to in the text is mentioned in " Adamnan's Life of St. Columba," as residing, at the time of that saint's death, in the monastery of Cluain- finchoil, " meadow of the white-hazel." Colgan identified this place with Cluain- fiacul, Clonfeakle. But Clonfeakle is called in the "Annals" Cluain-fiachna, meadow or plain of St. Fiachna. Jocelin calls this church Cluain-fiacail in his "Life of St. Patrick;" but in the taxation of 1306, and in the registries of the archbishops Sweteman, Swayne, Mey, Octavianan, and Dowdall it is called by various forms of the name Cluain-Fiachna. The "Annals of the Four Masters," at 1003, record the death of " Eochaidh da Flannagain, airchinneach of the Lis- aeidheadh of Ardmacha, and of Cluan-Fiachna, the most distinguished historian of the Irish." And at 1069, the death of Aedh, son of Dubhghall, vice-abbot of Cluan-Fiachna. It is also mentioned at 1252. The ancient parish chvwch stood in the townland of Tullydowey, in a curve of the river Blackwater, on the Tyrone side.

46 Ancient Monasteries of Ireland.

reaedhain, in the territory of Huadmeth ; the church is dedicated to St. Aedan.a

Kilmore is now a parish church, three miles east of Ar- magh.1*

KlLSLERE.

Wadding, the Franciscan, calls this Killare, and says it was the principal monastery belonging to the third order of Fran- ciscans in Ireland. Thomas Ornay, was made perpetual com- missary of it in the year 1457.°

KlLLEVY.

At the foot of the mountain of Slieu Gullen,43 in the barony of Orior.

St. Darerca,45 otherwise called Monenna, sister to St. Patrick, was abbess of Kilsleve, or Belsleibhe; he died A.D. 517, or 518, and her feast is held on the 6th of July.d Others say, that this nunnery was built by St. Monenna about the year 630, after she had quitted Faugher, in the county of Louth.6

St. Conchenna, sister to St. Lugad of Clonfeacle, was abbess of this nunnery ; she died A.D. 654.*

Kilsleve is now a parish church in the diocess of Armagh. g

a Act. SS. p. 731. b Lib. visit. * Allemande. d Usher, p. 526. Act. SS. p. 190,606,718. *Usher. fAct.SS.#.6o6. « Visitation Book.

43 This mountain took its name from Cuileam, an artificer, who lived in the reign of Conchobbar Mac Nessa, King of Ulster, and by whom the celebrated Cuchellaim was fostered.

44 Colgan, in his "Life of St. Darerca" (22nd March), remarks that Ussher (De Primordiis Ecclesiar. Britannar, p. 705-6), confounds the St. Darerca who was St. Patrick's sister, with St. Darerca, otherwise St. Moninna, abbess of Kilsleve. The former is honoured on the 22nd March, the latter on the 6th of July. St. Mon- inna, according to the ancient Life, written by Conchubhranus, and used by Ussher, founded seven churches in Scotland: one called Chilnecase, in Galloway ; another on the summit of the mountain of Dundenenal, in Landonia ; the third on the mountains of Dunbreten ; the fourth at the Castle of Strivelin ; the fifth at Dun-Eden, now Edinburgh ; the sixth on the mountain of Dun-Pelder ; and the seventh at Lanfortin, near Dundee, where she died. The ruins of the church at Killevy are still visible. The " Four Masters" have the following entries regard- ing this establishment : In A.D. 654 " Coincenn, of Cill-Sleidhthe, died." A.D. 921, " Dinbhleter, of Cill-Sleibhthe, priest of Ard-Macha was martyred by the foreigners of Snamh-Aighneach" (now Carlingford Lough). "A.D. 1029, Donn- Chadh Na Donnegain, Lord of Fearnrnhagh ; and Cinaedh, son of Angeirrce, Lord of Cenailli, mutually fell by each other at Cill-Sleibhe." "A.D. 1146, a great wind-storm occurred on the 3rd day of December, which caused a great destruction of woods throughout Ireland ; it prostrated sixty trees at Doire-Choluim-Chille, and killed and smothered many persons in the Church : it also killed other people at Cill-Sleibhe." " A.D. 1150, Cailleach. of Cill-Sleiphe, a pious good senior, died, after good penance, at an advanced age. "

The County Armagh. 47

Inquisition 4th November, 3rd King James, finds, that Alicia Nigen M'Donchey O'Hanlon was the last prioress, and loth March, 34th King Henry VIII. she was seized of the townlands and the tithes of Agheyelloge, alias Aghyloge, Ballytolloche, Clonynlym, alias Clonelome, Ballylurgakeill, Aghetidy and Aghedemoyll, alias Aghadavell ; also of the tithes of the twelve townlands of Camlogh (Dromeherime and Tollyvonney only excepted) ; also of the four townlands of the Moyry, the four townlands of Faddum ; also the six townlands of Cohill ; the seven townlands of Killin ; and the townlands or places known by the name of Ballinageragh, Ballinlat, Ballynedowlargoegh, Carrickbraddagh, Dromenty, Teucrome, Carricksticken, Clogh O'Cominslawnohill, Corre- gillereen, Moyfanner, Mauclawne, Latebrigett, Aghadonoman, Ballekeill, Charchill, Leballimore, Corickegallyogh, the two Sturgans, Lisliagh, Aghnuckshane, and Carigedilane. All the said lands were in this county, and of the annual value besides reprises, of 40^. Irish money.

STRADHAILLOYSE.

Wadding says, that it is in the diocess of Armagh, and that a monastery for conventual franciscans was founded there, A.D., 1282, and that a provincial chapter of the order was held therein in the year 1315.*

TAHELLEN.45

In Hy-meith-tirek St. Patrick founded Teg-talain, and made St. Killian bishop of it;1 his feast is held on May 2/th.m This church was burnt A.D. 67o.n

^ Wadding, quoted by Attemande, k Now the barony of Orior. l Tr. Th. p. [84. ™-Act. SS.p. 331. n Tr. Th. 633.

45 Teg-Talain, or Tigh-Talain, i.e. domus Talani, derives its name from S. Tel- lanus, son of Legan, son of Colgan, chief of that region, or from S. Tolanus, son of Donnchadh. The " Marty rology of Donegal" mentions, under the 27th May, " Cillin, Bishop of Tigh-Talain in Oirghialla. "

48 Ancient Monasteries of Ireland.

COUNTY OF CARLOW.1

1 From the period of the Norman invasion to the days of Henry the Eighth, Car- low was, in a military point of view, perhaps, the most important county in Ireland. Through its rich vallies lay the main road which connected the English settlements in Munster with the seat of the Governmeni in Dublin. The bridge at Leighlin in the centre of the county was the only passage across the river Barrow, enabling the Norman colony around the capital to communicate with the counties of Kil- kenny, Waterford, Cork, Limerick, and Kerry : even Wexford in those days could not be approached through any other route, so terrible were the fastnesses of the Dublin and Wicklow mountains, and so warlike were the tribes of the O'Tooles and the O'Byrnes that inhabited them. Hence many of the early records speak of Carlow as the key of the English pale, and a letter from the Parliament of Ireland to Henry the Sixth, in 1435, informs us that, in addition to the castles of the towns of Carlow and Tullow, there were in the fourteenth century no fewer than one hundred and forty eight smaller castles in this county, all " well bataylled and inhabyted. "

Nevertheless, matters were not always so cheering for the new colonists. The survivors of the Mac Murrough race had been allowed to retain the greater part of the barony of Idrone, and when the Kavanagh, who towards the middle of the thirteenth century appropriated to himself the greater parts of the counties of Carlow and Wexford, assumed the name of Mac Murrogh, he easily rallied all the branches of that family under his standard, whilst he at the same time strengthened himself by a close alliance with the O'Byrnes and the O'Tooles. From that day he was in reality the King of the greater part of Leinster, and it was only by his toleration that the colonists could enjoy even a comparative calm. He entrenched himself in the hills around Leighlin, and thence commanded the passage of the Barrow at Leighlin Bridge, and it is curious to find that from the days of Edward the Third to the end of the reign of Henry the Eighth, the M' Murrough received a yearly stipend of eighty marks from the King's Exchequer, this sum being, in fact so much *' black mail" levied by him for permission to the English settlers to journey on in peace towards Leighlin-bridge. A curious statement of grievances, forwarded by the Parliament of Ireland in 1421 to King Henry the Fifth, proves that the Kavanaghs had become even less loyal than the other rebels, and prays his Majesty to induce the Pope .to proclaim " a crusade against the said Irish enemies" (See this important document in Sir W. Betham's " Origin of the Constitution of England," &c., p. 337). We need not add that no such crusade was ever pro- claimed by the Holy See, and the imperilled colonists were left alone to struggle with the native chieftains.

We have entered into these details that the reader may understand why so few religious houses were established in this county by the early Anglo-Norman families. It was particularly rich, however* in its religious foundations of an earlier date, although most of these are passed over in silence by Archdall. The limits of a note will not permit us to treat of this subject as we would wish. Suffice it for the present toTmention Kellistown, where the modern church occupies the site of an old church supposed to have been erected by St. Patrick, and which in later times bore the name of this great apostle. There was a Round Tower where the steeple now stands ; and about half a mile distant St. Patrick's We'll may still be seen. In the same neighbourhood is the townland of Kyle, formerly called Killenora, i.e., " the Venerable Church," where the ruins of the old church still remain, measuring thirty-nine feet in length and eighteen in breadth. Nurney in Irish Urnaighe, and marked on the old map of Mercator as Urney, was formerly a famous place of pilgrimage. The name itself implies that it was specially devoted to prayer. O'Curry writes 41 Urnaigh? in this instance, and on all other occasions, when applied to a church as its name, is the same as Cill-na- hurnaighe, " cella orationis," or "tke church of prayer." Within the modern

( To be continued.)

[NE W SERIES^

THE IRISH

ECCLESIASTICAL RECORD,

NOVEMBER, 1869.

RELIGION IN EDUCATION.

INAUGURAL DISCOURSE OF VERY REV. MONSIGNOR WOODLOCK, D.D., ETC.

MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN,

It is now just fifteen years since the Archbishops and Bishops of Ireland opened this University, under the presidency of the great man whose unworthy successor I am. In doing so, they declared their practical conviction of the necessity of uniting religion with education : they proclaimed that principle as Bishops in the Catholic Church, whose Supreme Head has since authoritatively condemned, from the Chair of Truth, the assertion that " Catholics may approve of a system of educating youth, unconnected with Catholic faith and the power of the Church, and which regards the knowledge of merely natural things, and only, or at least primarily, the ends of earthly social life." (Syllabus, Prop. 48).

The Bishops founded the Catholic University of Ireland also as pastors of the Irish people, proclaiming in their name that they held the same truth, and their faithful flocks, by contributions within these fifteen years of about £100,000, have declared in language which this century will not misun- derstandj that their opinion is the opinion of their Prelates ; that they, as well as their Bishops wish for none other than Catholic education for their children ; that they feel within

VOL. VI. 4

50 Religion in Education.

them the wish with which reason as well as faith has filled the heart of every Catholic parent, to have his son brought up in accordance with the principles of the religion which he believes to be the true one, that is of the Catholic Religion. Now, the Church teaches that education to be fruitful of good to indivi- duals and to society, must be based upon religion, animated by it, perfected by it. This is the conscientious conviction of the Catholic people of Ireland, as well as of their pastors ; and I chal- lenge those who would deny the fact, to produce the names of even twenty Catholics not connected now or heretofore with the Protestant University or mixed Colleges, who are of the oppo- site opinion. Nay more, not only is this the sentiment of the Catholic masses, but it is also the publicly avowed opinion of our representatives in Parliament, of whom scarcely one was returned at the general election last year, who had not une- quivocally declared in favour of Catholic education for Catho- lics, and educational equality for all. And those who are dis- posed either to reject these claims of ours, or to treat them with contempt, ought not to forget that of the sixty Liberal members or more who represent Irish constituencies in Parlia- ment, not six, perhaps not two, would be returned, were they to avow themselves favorable to mixed education, and opposed to the principle of giving to Catholics the advantages of Catho- lic education on terms of perfect educational equality.

Permit me, my Lords and Gentlemen, briefly to explain to-day how just are our claims, while I endeavour to show what it is precisely that we mean by Catholic education as distinguished from merely secular instruction, and how great are the advantages of which it is calculated to be the bearer to the youth of our nation.

And first of all, permit me to say, that I speak not of the spiritual and supernatural advantages of Catholic education — they are above all price, and beyond adequate estimation by man — but I speak of the intellectual and educational advan- tages of the system, inasmuch as it qualifies a Catholic youth to take his place as a Christian man in the community. I speak of the advantages of Catholic education for a Catholic youth, inasmuch as it fits him all the better than any other system to enter life as the equal of his educated fellow men ; inasmuch as it enables him to win, in the battle of life, the distinction which his talents, his position, or other circum- stances hold prepared for him ; inasmuch, in fine, as it moulds his mind and soul to the attainment of that excellence even on this earth for which the Creator and Sovereign Ruler of the world has destined him.

Treating of it, then, in this sense, what do we mean by

Religion in Education. 5 1

Catholic education, as distinguished from merely secular in- struction ? In what way ought religion to form part of the course of teaching for Catholic youth ?

Through the kind permission of Dr. Newman, I draw largely on an unpublished letter of his, in which he treats of the place which religious instruction may be considered to hold in University Education.

"In the first place, then," says Dr. Newman, " it is congruous certainly that youths, who are prepared in a Catholic Uni- versity for the general duties of a secular life, or for the secular professions, should not leave it without some know- ledge of their religion ; and, on the other hand, it does, in matter of fact, act, in the world and in the judgment of men of the world, to the disadvantage of a Christian place of education, and is a reproach to its conductors, and even a scandal, if it sends out its pupils accomplished in all knowledge except Christian knowledge.

"And next considering that, as the mind is enlarged and cultivated generally, it is capable, or rather is desirous and has need, of fuller religious information, it is difficult to maintain that the knowledge of Christianity which is sufficient for entrance at the University, is all that is incumbent on students who have been submitted to the academical course. So that we are unavoidably led on to the further question, viz., shall we sharpen and refine the youthful intellect, and then leave it to exercise its new powers upon the most sacred of subjects, as it will, and with the chance of its exercising them wrongly ; or shall we proceed to feed it with divine truth, as it gains an appetite for knowledge ?

" Religious teaching, then, is urged upon us in the case of University students, first, by its evident propriety ; secondly, by the force of public opinion ; thirdly, from the great incon- veniences of neglecting it

" I would treat the subject of religion in the school of Philosophy and Letters (Dr. Newman continues), simply as a branch of knowledge. If the University student is bound to have a knowledge of history generally, he is bound to have inclusively a knowledge of sacred history as well as profane ; if he ought to be well instructed in ancient literature, Biblical literature comes under that general description as well as classical ; if he knows the philosophy of men, he will not be extravagating from his general subject, if he cultivate also the philosophy of God

"If a Catholic youth mixes with educated Protestants of his own age, he will find them conversant with the outlines and the characteristics of sacred and ecclesiastical history as

52 Religion in Education.

well as profane : it is desirable that he should be on a par with them, and able to keep up a conversation with them. It is desirable, if he has left our University with honours or prizes, that he should know as well as they, the great primitive divisions of Christianity, its polity, its luminaries, its acts, and its fortunes ; its great eras, and its course to this day. He should have some idea of its propagation, and the order in which the nations, which have submitted to it, entered its pale ; and the list of its Fathers, and of its writers generally, and the

subjects of their works He should know who St. Justin,

Martyr, was, and when he lived ; who were the Nestorians ; what was the religion of the barbarian nations who took possession of the Roman Empire : who was Eutyches, or Berengarius, who the Albigenses. He should know something about the Benedictines, Dominicans, or Franciscans, about the Crusades, and the chief movers in them. He should be able to say what the Holy See has done for learning and science ; the place which these islands hold in the literary history of the dark age ; what part the Church had, and how its highest interests fared, in the revival of letters ; who Bessarion was, or Ximenes, or William of Wykeham, or Cardinal Allen. I do not say that we can insure all this knowledge in every accomplished student who goes from us, but at least we can admit such knowledge, we can encourage it, in our lecture and examination halls.

" And so in like manner, as regards Biblical knowledge, it is desirable that, while our students are encouraged to pursue the history of classical literature, they should also be invited to acquaint themselves with some general facts about the canon of Holy Scripture, its history, &c."

As to dogmatic teaching he says : — " I would content myself with enforcing such a broad knowledge of doctrinal subjects as is contained in the catechisms of the Church, or the actual writings of her laity. I would have students apply their minds to such religious topics as laymen actually do treat, and are thought praiseworthy in treating."

Dr. Newman then proceeds to give some practical illustra- tions of these principles, and continues : — u I am professing to contemplate Christian knowledge in what may be called its secular aspect, as it is practically useful in the intercourse of life and in general conversation ; and I would encourage it as it bears upon the history, literature, and philosophy of Christianity.

" It is to be considered, that our students are to go out into the world, and a world not of professed Catholics, but of inveterate, often bitter, commonly contemptuous Protestants ;

Religion in Education. 53

nay of Protestants who, so far as they come from Protestant Universities and public schools, do know their own system, do know, in proportion to their general attainments, the doctrines and arguments of Protestantism. I should desire, then, to encourage in our students an intelligent apprehension of the relations, as I may call them, between the Church and society at large ; for instance, the difference between the Church and a religious sect ; between the Church and the civil power ; what the Church claims of necessity, what it cannot dispense with, what it can ; what it can grant, what it cannot. A Catholic hears the celibacy of the clergy discussed ; is that usage of faith, or is it not of faith ? He hears the Pope accused of interfering with the prerogatives of her Majesty, because he appoints an hierarchy. What is he to answer? What principle is to guide him in the remarks which he cannot escape from the necessity of making ? He fills a station of importance, and he is addressed by some friend who has political reasons for wishing to know what is the difference between Canon and Civil Law, whether the Council of Trent has been received in France, whether a Priest cannot in certain cases absolve prospectively, what is meant by his intention, what by the opus operatum; whether, and in what sense we consider Protestants to be heretics ; whether any one can be saved without sacramental confession ; whether we deny the reality of natural virtue, and what worth we assign to it.

" Questions may be multiplied without limit, which occur in conversation between friends, in social intercourse, or in the business of life, where no argument is needed, no subtle and delicate disquisition, but a few direct words stating the fact. Half the controversies which go on in the world arise from ignorance of the facts of the case ; half the prejudices against Catholicity lie in the misinformation of the prejudiced parties. Candid persons are set right, and enemies silenced, by the mere statement of what it is that we believe. It will not answer the purpose for a Catholic to say, "I leave it to theologians," " I will ask my priest ;" but it will commonly give him a triumph, as easy as it is complete, if he can then and there lay down the law. I say "lay down the law;" for remarkable it is, that, even those who speak against Catho- licism, like to hear about it, and will excuse its advocate from alleging arguments, if he can gratify their curiosity by giving them information. Generally speaking, however, as I have said, such mere information will really be an argument also. I recollect some twenty-five years ago three friends of my own, as they then were, clergymen of the Establishment,

54 Religion in Education.

making a tour through Ireland. In the West or South they had occasion to become pedestrians for the day ; and they took a boy of thirteen to be their guide. They amused themselves with putting questions to him on the subject of his religion ; and one of them confessed to me on his return that that poor child put them all to silence. How ? Not of course by any course of argument, or refined theological disquisition ; but merely by knowing and understanding the answers in his catechism.

" Nor will argument itself be out of place in the hands of laymen mixing with the world. As secular power, influence, or resources are never more suitably placed than when they are in the hands of Catholics ; so secular knowledge and secular gifts are then best employed when they minister to divine revelation. Theologians inculcate the matter and determine the details of that revelation ; they view it from within ; philosophers view it from without, and this external view may be called the Philosophy of Religion, and the office of delineating it externally is most gracefully performed by laymen. In the first age laymen were most commonly the Apologists. Such were Justin, Tatian, Athenagoras, Aristides, Hermias, Minucius, Felix, Arnobius, and Lactantius. In like manner in this age some of the most valuable defences of the Church are from laymen : as De Maistre, Chateaubriand, Nicolas, Montalembert, and others. If laymen may write, lay students may read. Even if we confine ourselves strictly to the Philosophy, or the external contemplation of Religion, we shall have a range of reading sufficiently wide, and as valuable in its practical application as it is liberal in its character. In it will be included what are commonly called the Evidences ; and, what is an especially interesting subject at this day, the Notes of the Church.

"Whatever the students read in the province of religion, they read, from the very nature of the problem, under the superintendence, and with the explanations, of those who are older and more experienced than themselves."

From these admirable reflections of Dr. Newman, it follows that a thorough course of religious instruction completes for a Catholic youth his acquaintance with history and literature, directs his sharpened and refined intellect in its pursuit of the most sacred and most important of all subjects, fits him to mix with educated Protestants of his own age, enables him to " hold his own," nay, to advance the interest of truth when assailed through malice, prejudice, or ignorance ; in fine, this most ennobling of studies brings him into contact with some pf the greatest men who in every age and clime have

Religion in Education. 55

illustrated Christendom, and teaches him to emulate at once their moral and intellectual glory.

I will add, that no course of religious instruction deserves the name, which does not bring prominently forward, the great principle of universal charity, and point out to youth the glorious trophies of that heavenly virtue on the path of the Church, as we trace it through the annals of history ; which does not also hold up to the reprobation and the warn- ing of rising generations the crimes by which men, despite the admonitions of the Church, forgot the dictates of charity, and turned their hands against their brothers. Religious educa- tion is the only true bond of union for a people. It is not by banishing Religion from the school that the precept of charity is to be brought home to the minds of youth, or its practice inculcated ; but it is by interweaving with the whole web of life the golden thread of charity which proceeds from faith, that union, founded on mutual forbearance, respect, and Christian love, is to be made the appanage of a nation. At a moment such as this in the history of Ireland, when there is the greatest need of union among all for the up-raising of our common fatherland, who does not see the importance of hav- ing every one of her sons trained according to these principles : that is, brought up under a system which gives, not merely secular instruction, but a truly Christian education.

Again, under a system truly Catholic, the youth of our country would be brought into connection with the highest education of Catholic Europe. By the unhappy schism of the 1 6th century England separated herself from the rest of Christendom. Since then, many of her sons have, it is true, achieved much that was glorious in the domain of litera- ture and science ; but the books of Catholic Europe have been, and are, to a great extent, sealed books to her, while insular pride has added to the estrangement occasioned by difference of religion. It is true, many influences have been at work of late to break down this wall of separation ; but, unhappily, as the religious difficulty still subsists, the full influence of Catholic literary and scientific progress on the Continent is not felt or valued as it ought to be in these countries. Now, by a truly Catholic system of higher education, all this treasure-house would at once be opened to our youth, and instead of being confined almost exclusively to the circle of British and Protestant celebrities their young minds would be brought into companionship with all that is great and noble and exalted in the Catholic world.

And in fine, while our youth would be taught to look beyond these seas for mental culture, would not the fair fame

56 Religion in Education.

of our Catholic land be daily spread more and more through the Catholic education of the rising generations of her sons ? I mean the fame of Ireland, both in the past and in time to come. The unhappy causes, to which I have alluded, have heretofore checked the publication to the world, of the glories of our old land, for they were by excellence the glories of her Catholic Faith. And, if ever again we are to have national glories, it must be as a Catholic nation. A system of Catholic education, can alone bring out the glories of the Catholic past, and train a Catholic nation for the future. When lately reading " Montalembert's Monks of the West," I was struck with the frequent use he makes of one of the first works published by this Catholic University — our lamented O'Curry's " MSS., Materials of Irish History" — The chapters, in which the eloquent French publicist pourtrays in glowing terms the glories of the Irish Monks of Old, the Apostles and civilizers of so many peoples, are in great measure taken from the pages of our late Professor of Irish Antiquities. The glories of Ireland's past history can, in truth, be best brought to light, by such a system of education, as will allow full scope to Catholic principles. And as to the future, when I see the number of young men, students of this infant Institution, who are beginning to distinguish themselves by their spirit of religion, by their public and private virtues, and by their literary or professional success, whether within these walls, or in the wide field of life, I feel convinced that by a Catholic system of higher education, and by it alone, can the minds of the rising generations of Irish Catholics be duly developed, their noblest sentiments fostered as they ought to be, and made racy of the soil of this old Catholic land. Thus alone can the beautiful vision pourtrayed by Dr. Newman, be verified — God grant that we, or those who come after us, may live to see it — " I look towards a land both old and young ; old in its Christianity, young in the promise of its future, a nation which received grace before the Saxon came to Britain, and which has never quenched it I con- template a people, which has had a long night, and will have an inevitable day. I am turning my eyes towards a hundred years to come, and I dimly see the island I am gazing on, become the road of passage and union between two hemis- pheres, and the centre of the world. . . Whither, as to a sacred soil, the home of their Fathers, and the fountain-head of their Christianity, students are flocking from East, West, and South, all speaking one tongue, all owning one faith, all eager for one large true wisdom, and these, when their stay is over, going back again to carry faith to men of good will over all the earth."

57

A FEW FACTS FOR FREEMASONS.

I. JL HE first meeting of Freemasons, as we now understand the name, was held in the year 1717. We do not mean, of course, that there were not Masons in the world before that date ; for surely those who erected the pyramids of Egypt, the churches of Rome, the round towers of our country, were Masons in the highest and noblest sense of the word. More- over, many long years before the dawn of the eighteenth cen- tury, there was the Guild of Masons, which was ranked among the Catholic Trade Corporations, and took its place, with its confraternity banners, in the processions of holy Church. Even the name Freemason was sometimes used ; for it designated those members of the religious guild who received special ex- emptions and legal franchises as a privilege for their labour in the erection of the noble Cathedrals of the middle ages. But when we look upon the society of Freemasons as a special secret organization, whose members, in various grades, are bound by particular laws, and are pledged by oath to obey their Head, it dates only from the year I7I7-1

2. It was from England that Freemasonry propagated itself to the continent. The first continental Lodge was founded in Hamburgh in the year 173 3. Brunswick, Berlin, and Leipsic were the next to adopt the same society, and before the close of the century its branches had spread to almost all the chief cities of Germany and France.

3. The nature and aim of the Freemason Society no sooner became known throughout the kingdoms of Europe than it was condemned by Protestants and Catholics alike. The Protestant Consistory of Hanover, in the year 1745, as we learn from the Lutheran historian, Menzel, prohibited one of its ministers from preaching on account of being a member of a Freemason Lodge, and moreover, commanded its clergy in future to have no connection with Freemasonry.2 It was the Sovereign Pontiff, however, who, above all others, raised his warning voice, and as vicar of Christ on earth, interdicted, under the severest penalties, all the faithful from association with this society. Thus Clement XII., in his Bull of iSth April, 1738, whilst condemning in general all secret societies, marks out in particular the Freemasons as incurring the cen- sures of the Church. The great Pontiff Benedict XIV., on the 1 8th of March, 1751, again fulminated the ecclesiastical

1 See " Anderson's Constitutions of Freemasonry," published in Frankfort in 1743-

" Nouvelle Histoire des Allemands," tome x.. page 312.

58 A few Facts for Freemasons.

censures against this condemned society, Pius VIL, on I3th of September, 1821, repeated these censures when condemn- ing the so-called Carbonari, a name which was assumed by some sections of the Italian Freemasons. Leo XII., on the 1 3th March, 1826, condemned anew the society of Freemasons in all its branches : and in fine, to say nothing of the briefs published by the reigning Pontiff, with which our readers are already familiar, Gregory XVL, on the I5th of August, 1832, addressed a circular to all the Bishops of the Catholic world, renewing the censures enacted by his predecessors against Freemasonry, and exhorting the pastors of the Church to raise their warning voices against the many evils which invariably result from such secret societies.

4. The course pursued by the Freemason Society through- out Europe, and the evil fruits which sprung from it, from its earliest beginnings, more than sufficed to justify the Roman Pontiffs in the rigorous severity with which they so repeatedly interdicted it to all members of Christ's fold. The first Free- masons indeed, like many of the members of that society at the present day, professed to abstain from all part in politics, and, above all, to interfere in no way with the affairs of religion. Such a declaration, however, was only meant to deceive the unwary, whilst Freemasonry from its very birth assumed a political character, and entered the lists against our holy Church. The Protestant historian Washmuth, remarks that the anti-social and anti-religious literature which prepared the way in France for the overthrow of law and order, towards the close of the last century, found its most potent ally in Free- masonry.1 The political Dictionary of Rotteck also assures us that the Freemason Society lent its aid to achieve the evil work of the French Revolution. It was for this reason that Voltaire made Freemasonry the theme of his enconiums. We may add that a little while before his death, this arch-enemy of religion received in Paris a solemn and public ovation from the assembled representatives of all the Lodges of France, who thus proclaimed to the world that they adopted the prin- ciples of Voltaire, and gave their seal of approbation to the Religion of Reason, of which he was the head.

5. The revolutionary and irreligious Sect known as the Illuminati, which, for a while, found such favour in Germany, was an off-shoot of Freemasonry. Weishaupt, its founder, was member of a Freemason Lodge in Paris, and assumed the classic name of Spartacus. This secret society spread rapidly through Bavaria and Austria. In 1785, whilst Weishaupt was

1 " Histoire de France, pendant la Revolution," tome i, page 55.

A few Facts for Freemasons. 59

giving his parting instructions, in Ratisbonne to one of his adepts an apostate named Lanz, whom he was sending to revo- lutionize Silesia, this unfortunate emissary was struck dead at his side, by lightning. The terrified master fled from the spot in dismay, and the written instructions for the Illuminati, which were found among the papers of Lanz, revealed to the Government the depths of iniquity in which the Illuminati were engaged. Notwithstanding such a discovery of these wicked designs, some of the ruling powers of the German States became members of the Sect, and those who were the champions of Imperialism, and the promoters of the Josephine laws, were at the same time the most ardent patrons of the Illuminati. The original documents connected with this Sect were published by Stark, the Superintendent of the Churches of the Calvinistic Communion in Prussia, in his " Triomphe de la Philosophic" and the conclusion, which he draws from them, is, that " the Illuminati Sect aimed at Atheism and the destruction of all, even of parental authority; that it had its origin in French Freemasonry, and having spread throughout many districts of Germany, sent back its adepts once more to swell the ranks of the Masonic Lodges of France, in their revolutionary triumph."1

6. The connection which we have shown to have existed between the Illuminati and the Freemason Society might be easily proved to exist also between the Masonic Lodges and the hydra-headed secret organizations which have inflicted so many grievous wounds on society during the past fifty years. Freemasonry invariably stretched out a friendly hand to every revolutionary club that was formed on the Continent, and it reckoned among its members the leaders of every secret society from the Carlwnari and the Tugcnd-Bund, to the Solidaires and Fenians of the present day. The champions of Freemasonry often commemorate in words of vaunting eulogy the labours of their great Fathers whilst engaged in the structure of the ancient Tower of Babel. Al! this indeed is nothing more than fiction. But it is no fiction to assert that the Fathers of Freemasonry have laboured more than any others to construct a modern Babel, seeking once more to bid defiance to the Most High, to wage war against His Church, and to subvert every principle on which social government, domestic happiness, and true liberty rest for their support. It is thus that Guerike, another Protes- tant historian, writes — " Freemasonry has had an undoubted influence on positive Christianity ; it has unceasingly laboured

1 "Triomphe de la Philosophic," tome 2, ch. 12 — 15. See also many interesting facts connected with this Sect in Barrucl " Memoires sur le Jacobinisme."

60 A few Facts for Freemasons.

with its cold hammer to beat down the edifice of Faith, that thus the Church of Christ being reduced to ruins, it might erect a new structure, even though this should be no other than a second Tower of Babel"1

7. The Sect of the Solidaires, is the latest form which impiety has assumed in its unceasing war against the Catholic Church. And here we wish to present to our readers a letter which a distinguished French Prelate, Monseigneur de Segur, has addressed a short time since to the " Catholic Association of St. Francis de Sales."

It teaches the important fact that Freemasonry has entered into a close alliance with this wicked Sect, whilst, at the same time it discloses to us the depths of impiety to which such impious societies in France and elsewhere, urge on their deluded votaries. It is thus the illustrious Prelate writes : —

" The infamous Sect of the Solidaires, as they are called, is daily growing stronger at Paris, and in other parts of France. Several facts of unquestionable authenticity bear witness to the increasing influence, as well as to the diabolical aims of this godless association.

" The first of these facts is, that sixty Freemason Lodges have publicly adopted the programme of the Solidaires, as being a work of public utility. Thus the Freemasons have proclaimed themselves Solidaires.

"The second fact is that a system of recruiting is being conducted by this Sect, on a vast scale. For instance, in one branch of the Government offices an agent of the Sect has sent round through all the offices of the department a register in which each of the clerks was requested to inscribe his name. By thus signing his name he bound himself to give up all practice of religion during life, and especially at the point of death. A considerable number of the clerks complied with this request, more through human respect however, and through a silly affectation of impiety, than from conviction. But these men when on their death bed, will see themselves surrounded by their so-called brothers, whom they themselves, in their folly, have empowered to insure their eternal damna- tion. The Sect of the Solidaires ought to take for its title, Mutual Aid Society to make sure of going to Hell; or else, Mutual Assurance Office against Salvation.

11 The third fact is the establishment at Paris, in the Fau- bourg Saint Antoine, of a new institution of (Solidaires) nurses. This is more atrocious than even the other two attempts. These nurses are women who devote themselves not to take care of the sick, but to hinder them from having

1 " Manuel de 1' Histoire Eccl.," tome 2, page 553.

A few Facts for Freemasons. 61

recourse to the last consolations of religion. They are nurses to keep the sick from the priest, from forgiveness, from the God of mercy ! What an excess o( rage is this against our Lord, and against His Church !

"Finally, the sacrilegious dinners on Good Friday have ex- hibited the impudence, and, we may say, the imprudence of these impious men. Of these dinners there were three at Paris — one with covers for a hundred, at the Palais Royal, at five francs per head ; another with covers for a hundred, at three francs ; and a third at which about eight hundred assisted, took place at St. Maude, in an hotel kept by a Jew, quite close to the House of the Missionaries of Picpus, called the Priests of the Sacred Heart of Jesus. These holy religious spent the entire night before the Blessed Sacrament in expiation of the public and unworthy outrage that was being committed at a few paces from their chapel. Veal and sausages formed the staple of those banquets, and symbolized the lofty thoughts and noble resolves of the guests. As the enemies of God are always the enemies of society, the hotel-keeper, anxious to protect his business, declared beforehand that if politics were introduced he would turn off the gas. Hence, the only cries allowed were those against God, against His love, His cross, and His blood, shed for us all. From within the tabernacle of the neighbour- ing chapel, the divine victim of these insults was looking down with compassion on these unfortunate men, and repeating the great prayer of the cross — the prayer of Good Friday — * Father forgive them, for they know not what they do.'

" Several of the Paris journals were not ashamed first to an- nounce, and then to boast of this infamous scandal. At Lyons, a similar attempt was made, but the hotelkeeper refused to have anything to do with it.

" These acts of madness show not only the wickedness of the devil, and the identity of Satanism with Solidarism, but also the truth of our faith, and the divine character of the Christian Religion. Yes : these excesses are an act of faith, such as the evil spirits make. ' The devils believe and tremble,' says St. James, and so it is also with these adepts. They believe and they are enraged ; they are enraged only because they believe, and the measure of their rage is the measure of their faith. These men have as much faith as we, I was almost going to say, more than we.

" We venture to request each of our associates a communion and a Rosary in expiation of these scandals."

8. Whilst such evils result from Freemasonry, we cannot be surprised at the rigour with which the Holy See interdicts this Sect. But independent of such evils, the very principle,

62 A few Facts for Freemasons.

from which Freemasonry as a society depends, is contrary to social order, and merits the severest condemnation.

A leading member of the Masonic Society in England pub- lished some few weeks ago an elaborate defence of his cherished sect. Finding fault with the Catholic Church for condemning it, he thus states the argument of Catholics : — " Everything that is secret is bad ; Freemasonry is something secret, Therefore Freemasonry is bad."

And then he favours his Masonic brethren with an elaborate refutation of such an argument. The learned champion of Freemasonry, however, might have spared himself the trouble of such a refutation, for no Catholic ever advanced such an argument against Freemasonry.

Everything secret is not bad. On the contrary, secrecy in many things is essential to the well-being of society, to say nothing of the secrecy which is in some cases commanded by the law of God. The argument which Catholic writers invariably propose against this condemned society is as follows : —

"Every association whose members are bound by secret oath to an undefined obedience is essentially bad :

" The Freemason Society is an association whose members are Wound by such a secret oath :

" Therefore the Freemason Society is essentially bad."

Thus, while many things secret are lawful, and such that it would be a henious crime to reveal them, no secret association bound by secret oath, as we have just described, can ever be deemed lawful. The members of such an association pledge their obedience to orders, whilst they have no guarantee that these orders shall be conformable to reason and religion. They call God to witness that they will execute commands which sad experience has too often proved will be dictated by the evil genius of impiety and socialism. Such an oath is in- trinsically unlawful, and a society which requires such a bond from its members is, by the very fact, branded as an unjust and irreligious society.

9. But there is one complaint which is often made by our high titled and noble Freemasons, which, at first sight seems just enough, but when closely examined is found to be devoid of all reality. Our society, the Freemasons say, is unjustly classed with the Fenians, although undoubtedly it does not plot against the British throne, and is most loyal in its devoted- ness to her Majesty. It is, in fact, nothing more than a harm- less, loyal club, whose members indulge, indeed, in feasting, and in innocent toasts, but do no harm to society or to their fellow-countrymen. Not so the Fenians,

A few Facts for Freemasons. 63

To this, however, we reply that, no doubt many of the Freemasons in England and Ireland are such as are thus de- scribed. Nevertheless the most ardent enemies of Fenianism will not deny that Freemasonry occasionally is productive of many evils in this country. Are not the Masonic signs em- ployed occasionally as a secret armour to ward off the penal- ties of justice in our public courts ? And sometimes, too, does it not seem that the sentences which emanate from our jury- boxes, inflicting, perhaps, irremediable injury on unoffending subjects, are dictated by an overweaning affection for Free- masonry ? At the same time, every-day experience proves that in seeking to promote self-interest the Masonic Lodge is nothing more than an ordinary trades-union, engendering all the evils to society, and all the petty annoyances to honest citizens, which ordinarily result from such associations.

But independent of these immediate results of Freemasonry in this country, and granting for a moment that all its ener- gies are wasted in a stupid self-indulgence, or in a foolish mis- named philanthropy, the nature of the society itself is not thus altered. The principle on which it rests is equally reck- less and unlawful, and hence Freemasonry is justly subjected in this country to the anathemas of our holy Church. The principle which alone gives a distinctive existence to the Ma- sonic Society can nowise be said to differ from the principle which gives birth to the Fenian association, and where any difference exists between the two organizations, it is Fenianism that might with justice complain of being lowered to the ranks of Freemasonry. The Fenian oath binds its members to only one definite unlawful object : not so the Masonic oath ; for in the indefinite object of Freemasonry is necessarily included all that long array of wicked deeds, anti-social purposes, and irreligious aims which the Masonic Lodges, during the past hundred and fifty years, have sought to realize throughout the continent. And if many Lodges in Ireland are able to proclaim that their meetings have no political aim, and, in fact, are nothing but a friendly assembly for innocent recreation, what is there in this to mark their difference, for instance, from many of the Fenian meetings in the United States ? Freemasons do not plot against her Majesty's throne in this Kingdom; neither do the American Fenians plot against the constituted government of the United States : and it cannot be denied that many of the meetings of the deluded friends of Fenianism are mere un- selfish reunions of the friends of their native land, who would never tolerate for an instant the obscenity and wickedness which are too often known to be characteristic of the meet- ings of Masonic Lodges.

64 Questions Regarding the Jubilee.

10. It is idle, however, for the Freemasons of this country to disavow the connection of their society with continental Freemasonry. We know it as a fact, that a member of an Irish Masonic Lodge, when he meets an adept of the conti- nental society, is as much at home as if he met a brother Mason of his own Lodge. Moreover, in the English lists of the Freemason Lodges, those of the continent hold a promi- nent place, whilst the names of the English Lodges are embla- zoned on the continental lists. Nay more, the most wicked and fiendish Lodges on the continent are precisely those which boast of their connection, as they still bear the name of Scot- tish Lodges. Such Scottish Lodges were the first to take part in the Italian revolution. Even the hero of Aspromonte, in more than one of those letters, replete with blasphemy, with which he has from time to time favoured his deluded fol- lowers, has signed himself " Masonic Master according to the Scottish rite." And it is only a few weeks since the Italian journals published a circular, addressed to all the Lodges of Italy, in which the Grand Master assumes the title of "Mason of the Scottish Rite." The visit of Garibaldi to the sister isle a few years ago is not forgotten. Was he not then welcomed as a brother Mason by the Lodges of England, and was it not thus admitted that the closest relations exist between English and continental Freemasonry ?

M.

( To be continued.)

QUESTIONS REGARDING THE JUBILEE.

. II. — ON THE VISITATION OF THE CHURCHES.

The clauses of the Encyclical,1 Nemo certe ignorat, which regard the visits enjoined as conditions for gaining the Jubilee are as follows : — " Christifidelibus in alma Urbe nostra de- gentibus vel ad earn advenientibus, qui . . . S. Joannis in Laterano, Principis Apostolorum, et Sanctae Mariae Majoris

Basilicas, vcl earum aliquam bis visitaverint ; caeteris

vero extra Urbcm praedictam ubicunque degentibus, qui Eccle- sias ab or dinar Us locorum . . . designandas, vel earum aliquam . . . bis visitaverint . . . Indulgentiam concedimus."

1 See Irish Ecclesiastical Record, Vol. 5, No. LVL, May, 1869.

The Visitation of the Churches. 65

The number of visits prescribed on this occasion, and, indeed, in all extraordinary Jubilees, is much smaller than in the case of the ordinary Jubilee granted every twenty-fifth year. In the ordinary Jubilee four churches are designated in each locality — in Rome the Basilicas of St. John Lateran, St. Peter, St. Paul, and Santa Maria Maggiore — elsewhere four churches, the selection of which is, to a great extent, left to the discre- tion of the local ecclesiastical authorities. To the Basilicas or churches thus designated, at least sixty visits are required to be made ; for the Bull of Jubilee invariably prescribes that each church should be visited at least once a day for fifteen days. Natives of Rome, and persons who reside in the city or its immediate neighbourhood, are required to repeat the visits for at least thirty days, so that in their case one hundred and twenty visits are necessary.

But in extraordinary Jubilees, which are almost invariably of much shorter duration than the ordinary Jubilee of the Holy Year, very few visits are enjoined. Thus, for instance, in the Jubilee which is usually granted on the occasion of the accession of a Pope, and which, as a general rule, lasts only for a fortnight, three churches are appointed, and not more than one set of visits to these is prescribed. Indeed, on such occa- sions, the Popes have rarely insisted on the necessity of making even one visit to the three churches, a clause being usually inserted in the Bull of Jubilee to the effect that a visit to any one of them will suffice. Thus Benedict XIV., in the Bull of his first Jubilee, determined the number of visits as follows : — l " Qui Ecclesias ab ordinario locorum designandas, vel ecclesia- rum kujusmodi aliquam . . . saltern semel visitaverint" A similar form was employed by his successors until the year 1846. In the Jubilee of that year, the first which was granted by the present Pope, a third week was added to the usual term, and an additional visit was enjoined. But following the course usually adopted on similar occasions by his predeces- sors, his Holiness gave to the faithful the option of making two rounds of visits to the churches named by the Bishop, or two visits to any one of them. The words of the Encyclical2 were — " qui Ecclesias . . . designandas, vel ear um aliquam . . . bis visitaverint." Although the present Jubilee, as far as re- gards its duration, approximates much more closely to the Jubilee of the Holy Year than to any of the extraordinary Jubilees which have recently been granted, the number of visits required is the same as was enjoined in 1846, viz., two

1 Bullarium Bencdicti XIV. , Constit. Laetiora.

2 Encyd. Arcano, (20 Nov., 1846).

VOL. vi. c

66 Questions regarding the Jubilee.

sets of visits to three churches appointed by the Ordinary, or two visits to any one of them.

Another important difference between the ordinary and ex- traordinary Jubilee is that only in the former case are the local ecclesiastical authorities at all restricted in their choice of the churches which are to be visited. The clause " ecclesiam cathedra lem sen majorem, aliasque tres ejusdam civitates aut loci," which is always inserted in the Bull of an ordinary Jubilee is never employed on other occasions.

As to the number of churches which a Bishop may desig- nate throughout his diocese, no restriction is imposed either in an ordinary or an extraordinary Jubilee. But it is universally admitted that no matter how many churches he may ap- point, he cannot require a greater number of visits than the Pope has enjoined. " Le Pape seul," says Bouvier,1 in refer- ence to this point, " accorde la grace du jubile ; les eveques ne sont que delegues par lui pour le publier et en determiner les conditions. Us ne peuvent dont rien y changer de leur propre autorite." And Loiseaux2 remarks that when a Bishop assigns a larger number of churches for the purposes of the Jubilee visits, the only effect of this designation is to enable the faithful to comply more easily with this requirement of the Bull, by giving them a greater option in selecting the churches which they will visit. For this purpose, in fact, a large number of churches are usually named in every diocese, so as to enable all the faithful to make, without incon- venience, the visits which are enjoined. In Ireland, at least in country districts, the usual practice is to appoint the principal church of each parish.

In places where this arrangement has been made, is it ne- cessary for each person to visit the church of his own parish ? Bouvier,3 Bellegambe,4 and Loiseaux,5 in examining this ques- tion, which apparently is not noticed by other writers, hold that no such necessity exists. For, in this case, a person who visits any parochial church in the diocese, visits one of the churches designated by the Bishop, and consequently com- plies with the requirements of the clause : — " qui Ecclesias ab ordinariis . . . designatas vel earum aliquam bis visitaverint." Bouvier, indeed, qualifies his assertion by adding — "unless the Bishop should ordain otherwise." But the other writers

1 Traite des Indulgences. Part. 4, -chap, ii., art. 2, sec. iv. , quest. 9°.

2 Traite Canonique et Pratique du Jubile. Chap, ii., art. 2, sect. iv. , n. 18.

3 Id. Ibid. Quest. 11°.

4 Enchiridion Theologico-practico Tripartitum de Jubilaeo. Part 3, sect, iii., qnaest. 8.

6 Traite Canonique et Pratique du Jubile. Chap, ii., art. 2, sect, iv., n. 37.

The Visitation of the Churches, 67

just quoted are of opinion that no diocesan arrangement can make it necessary for a person to visit his own parish church. " Nous pensons," says Loiseaux, " que la defense de 1'eveque n'empecherait pas de gagner le Jubile. Si cette visite remplit 1'intention du souverain Pontife . . . il n'est pas au pouvoir de 1'eveque de lui oter son efficacite." And, in fact, the ex- tract already quoted from Bouvier, in reference to an addition to the prescribed number of visits, is perfectly applicable to this question.

It may, indeed, be objected that in this case the conditions enjoined by the Pope are not in reality observed ; since, if a Bishop insists on the visits being made by each person to the church of his own parish, no church can be regarded as "desig- nated by the Ordinary" for the visits of those who live out of the parish in which it is situated ; and consequently such per- sons will not, by visiting it, comply with the requirements of the Encyclical. But in answer to this difficulty, it is sufficient to remark that the Encyclical does not require that any per- son should visit a church which the Ordinary has designated with special reference to him. It requires only that the visits should be made to "any of the churches designated by the Ordinary!' And it is obvious, that in the strictest sense of the words, this description is perfectly applicable to every church in which the Bishop directs any of the Jubilee visits to be made. Consequently a person who visits any such church undoubtedly complies, as far as regards this condition, with the requirements of the Encyclical.

As regards the manner in which the visits should be made, it is laid down by all writers upon the subject that they should be performed as acts of devotion. " Quando praecise in Ju- bilaeo," says Gobat,1 " mandatur ut aliqua Ecclesia visitetur, requiritur visitatio religiosa et devota." This devotion, as ex- plained by Benedict XIV., consists in the visits being made "consilio atque animo exhibendi honorem Deo aut Sanctis ejus."2 There is, therefore, no doubt that a visit made to a church from mere curiosity, or for the sake of examining its architectural arrangements, or of being present at a musical performance, cannot be regarded as sufficient to comply with the requirements of the Bull of Jubilee. " Ex quo deduci potest," continues the Encyclical just quoted, "quod si quis nullo pio fine, sed mera ductus curiositate visitatum ecclesias

se confert aut animi relaxandi gratia .... Jubilaeum

minime consequitur."

Hence it is a matter of great moment to ascertain in what

1 Opera Moralia. Tract iii. De Jubilaeo, cap. xx., n. 127.

2 Bullarium Benedicti XIV. Constit. Inter praeteritos (3 December, 1749.)!!. 76.

68 Questions regarding the Jubilee.

a visit to a church consists. Viva,1 Gobat,2 Bellegambe,3 Ferraris,4 and other writers of great authority held that the term Visit designates only the time spent in the church, so that the necessity of making these visits with devotion could impose no restriction on a person about to visit a church, whilst he is on his way thither. " Hinc sequitur," says Viva, " quod si quis jocans ad Ecclesiam pergeret ... si quis ad ecclesiam acce- deret ob finem non pertinentam ad Dei cultum, puta ob curiositatem . . . non impediret devotionem debitam." Gobat even goes so far as to say : — " Quantumvis, totum iter ad ecclesiam usque conficiat quis cum peccato, aut ex peccato veniali, aut etiam mortali, potest nihilominus dici devote visitare ecclesiam, si modeste illam ingrediatur, et in ea oret" These inferences, it is obvious, are undeniable, if it be true, as those authors suppose, that the visit to a church does not include the time spent on the way thither. "Bullae nihil praescribunt circa iter ad ecclesiam," says Bellegambe, " sed circa ipsum accessum et ipsam visitationem." Or, as Viva expresses it, " Devotio non requiritur in itinere sed in ecclesia."

But this opinion is no longer tenable. In the Encyclical5 already referred to, Benedict XIV. distinctly teaches that the term Visit includes not merely the time spent in the church, but also the time spent on the way thither. " Tarn in itinere quod ad basilicas habettir" are his words, "quam in easdem ingrediendo." And again: — "Ex quo deduci potest quod si quis nullo pio fine . . . visitatum ecclesias se confert, aut animi relaxandi seu, quod dicitur, deambulationis habendae gratia, iter conficit, Jubilaeum minime consequitur."

This declaration is decisive ; for although in this Constitu- tion, Benedict XIV. referred exclusively to the Jubilee which he had just granted for the subsequent year, the rules laid down by him on that occasion are applicable to all future Jubilees. For a long time, indeed, it was doubtful whether those rules could be thus applied ; but, in 1852, it was decided by the Sacred Congregation of Indulgences, in answer to a question proposed by M. Loiseaux, the author of the "Treatise on the Jubilee," which has been so frequently referred to, that " in jubilaeo turn ordinario turn extraordinario, servandae sint omnes regulae a S. P. Benedicto XIV. traditae, quibus non ad- versatur bulla jubilaci"

It may be well to observe that, although theologians require

1 De Jubilaeo. Quaest viii., art. 5, n. 4.

2 Opera Moralia. Tract iii. De Jubilaeo. Cap. xx., n. 127.

3 Enchiridion. Part 3, sect, iv., quaest. 6.

4 Bibliotheca. In verb. Jubilaeum , art. iii. n. 15.

5 Sullanum Benedicti XIV. Constit, Inter praeteritos, n, 76.

The Visitation of the Churches. 69

that the visits should be made with devotion, it is not con- sidered necessary that a person when making them should recite prayers or observe silence whilst on his way to the church. Bouvier1 states that it is usual in Rome, during the ordinary Jubilee, for persons engaged in making the visits en- joined in the Bull, to recite the Rosary whilst passing from one church to another. But he adds, " on convient que tout cela, quoique tres louable, n'est pas necessaire." It is gene- rally held that it will suffice to observe the two conditions laid down by Benedict XIV.,2 viz. : — That a person in making these visits should go " modeste," and that he should perform the action "animo exhibendi honorem Deo aut sanctis ejus."

Since the Encyclical imposes no restriction in reference to the time at which the two visits required on this occasion should be made, there is no doubt that both may be made on the same day. The question then arises whether a person will satisfy the requirements of the Encyclical by going to the church with the proper dispositions, as already explained, and then remaining in it for twice as long a time as would suffice in the case of a single visit ?

From the principles already laid down in reference to the meaning of the term Visit, it clearly follows that such a person makes only one visit of longer duration than usual: he does not make a second visit, since he does not go to the Church a second time. It is right, however, to state that Father Maurel in his excellent treatise on Indulgences,3 which has received the special approbation of the Sacred Con- gregation, holds that, in this case, two visits are really made. " Quant a la visite elle-meme," he asks, " y a-t-il obligation de la repeter reellement, en sortant de 1'eglise et y rentrant ?

Oui, disent plusieurs theologiens. Cependant le

sentiment contraire, et que Ton peut suivre surement dans la pratique, dit que Ton n'est pas tenu a toutes ces visites successives et differentes. II suffit de se transporter une seule fois dans 1'eglise, et d'y prier, selon les intentions du Souverain Pontife, autant de fois qu'il y a de visites exigees, La presence dans 1'eglise unie aux prie"res reiterees equivaut aux diverses visites commandees pour obtenir les Indulgences." He adds that this is the opinion also of Monsignore Prinzivalli, the well-known official of the Sacred Congregation of Indul- gences. But it is not easy to understand how an opinion so manifestly at variance with the view laid down by Benedict XIV, regarding the meaning of the word Visit, could have been

1 Traite des Indulgences. Part 4, chap, ii., art 4, sec. 4, quest 3°.

2 Bullarium. Constit. Inter praetentos, iam cit, ibid.

3 Le Chretien Eclaire sur la Nature et I Usage des Indulgences. Part I. sec. 7.

7<D Questions regarding the Jubilee.

adopted by two such eminent authorities. At all events, there cannot be any doubt that it is an erroneous opinion ; for since the publication of Father Maurel's work it has been expressly decided by the Sacred Congregation that when several visits are to be made, it will not suffice "ut in Ecclesia, preces sen visitationes repetantur quin de Ecclesia post quamlibet visita- tionem quis egrediatur et denuo in cam ingrediatur" The decree will be found in full in the first number of the Record^ It is certain, therefore, that in order to make a second visit, it is necessary, after the conclusion of the first, to leave the church. Indeed it would be well, for greater security, to proceed to some short distance from it. If this be done, there can be no doubt of the sufficiency of the second visit, made immediately afterwards by returning to the church, entering it, and praying in it as before.

III. — ON THE PRAYERS FOR THE INTENTIONS OF THE POPE.

The Encyclical also sets forth the necessity of praying on the occasion of the Jubilee visits for certain intentions specified by the Pope: — " ibique per aliquod temporis spatium pro omnium misere errantium conversione, pro sanctissimaefidei propagation, et pro Catholicae Ecclesiae pace, tranquillitate ac triumpho devote oraverint"

According to many writers, purely mental prayer will suffice, and, indeed, it is not easy to take exception to the reasoning by which Viva supports this view. " Imponitur absolute oratio ; ergo quaecunque oratio proprie dicta satis est. Est autem proprie dicta oratio mentalis, imo magis proprie quam vocalis ; quia vocalis in tantum est oratio, in quantum conjungitur cum mentali." However, since very many theologians of great au- thority consider that vocal prayer is necessary — St. Alphonsus2 calls it the more common opinion — it would not be prudent to rest satisfied with offering a purely mental prayer.

Nothing has been authoritatively determined in reference to the precise length of the prayer which is necessary. Suarez,3 Ferraris,4 and Eusebius Amort,5 hold that any prayer, however short, will suffice ; but Benedict XIV. manifests a decided preference for the opposite opinion. " Contra hanc nimiam orationis modicitatem," he says,6 " tarn ipse etiam Viva, quam reliqui scriptores exclamant Nos itaque ab istorum

1 See Irish Ecclesiastical Record, No. I. Vol. I. October, 1864,

2 Theologia Moralis, Lib. 6, tract iv., n. 538, quaer. 10.

3 De Panitenlia. Disp. 52, sec. 8, n. 5.

4 Bibliotheca. In verb. Jubilaeum. Art. 3, n. 18.

5 Quaestiones ac Resolutiones Practicae. Q. 74.

* Biillarium. Constit. Inter praeteritos, iam cit., n. 83.

The Prayers for the Popes Intention. 71

consideratione nihil recedentes, etc." All writers seem to have agreed that there can be doubt that it will suffice to recite for this purpose, five Our Fathers and five Hail Marys — the pray- ers appointed by Gregory XIIL, in his Bull, " Quanta in vinea Domini!'

The objects for which the prayers should be offered are very distinctly enumerated in the Encyclical — the conversion of sin- ners, the propagation of the Catholic faith, the peace and triumph of the Church. But, it may be asked, is it necessary that the prayers should be offered distinctly and explicitly for these intentions ? Or will it not suffice to pray, in general terms, for the intentions of the Pope, without any distinct knowledge or recollection of the objects which he has specified ? This question, it may be observed, is one of the greatest practical importance, regarding, as it does, not merely the indulgence of the Jubilee, but also, with scarcely an exception, all other plenary indulgences. For, in almost every case, the Pope, in granting such an indulgence, requires, as a condition for gain- ing it, that prayers be recited for certain objects which he spe- cifies. It will be useful, then, to state the various views which theologians have adopted in reference to this question.

In the first place, some writers consider that it will suffice to recite these prayers with the general intention of doing whatever is necessary in order to gain the indulgence. " Fines injuncti," says Theodorus a Sancto Spiritu,1 "implicite et virtu- aliter continentur in intentione faciendi opus pro acquirenda indulgentia requisitum ; ideoque si quis animum hunc haberet, implicite et virtualiter vellet etiam fines, quos summus Pontifex in indulgentiarum litteris expressit." According to this opi- nion, which is held also by Collet2 and Mazzotta,3 a person who does not know that any objects have been proposed by the Pope, can gain the indulgence. But it is not easy to see how it can be said with propriety that such a person prays for " the conversion of sinners, the propagation of the Catholic fa"ith, and the peace and triumph of the church."

Hence, theologians generally, with the exception of the writers whom I have just named, teach that some more defi- nite intention is required. However, they speak so vaguely upon this subject, that it is not easy to ascertain the precise nature of the intention which they consider necessary. Viva4 apparently is satisfied with the intention of a person who,,

1 Tractatus Historico-theologicus de Jubilaeo. Cap. vi., sect, i., n. 2. 3 Traite Historique, Dogmatique et Pratique des Indulgences et du JubilL Chap, iv., art. 2, sect, iii., n. 9.

3 Theologia Moralis. Tract I. Appendix de Jubilaeo, cap. iii., quaer. 2°.

4 De Jubilaeo. Quaest. 8, art. v., n. 6.

72 Questions regarding the Jubilee.

knowing that some special objects have been specified by the Pope, but not knowing what those objects are, prays for the Pope's intention, whatever it may be. "Sciendum," are his words, "non oportere expresse pro fine .... intento orare, sed satis esse, quod quis oret in eum finem in genere, pro quo summus Pontifex injungit orationem." In support of this view, he quotes the authority of Bossius, Pas- qualigo, Sanctarelli, and some writers of lesser note. Ferraris1 holds the same opinion. " Sufficit," he says, "si quis dicat : intendo orare ad mentem summi Pontificis praescriptaminbulla. Ita Gobat, La Croix et alii passim." But, notwithstanding this assertion, we shall see that neither Gobat nor La Croix adopts this view, which, indeed, is adopted by very few writers of standard authority.

It cannot, of course, be denied that a person who prays thus explicitly for the intention of the Sovereign Pontiff, implicitly prays for the objects enumerated in the Encyclical, although he has no knowiedge of what those objects are. But it seems highly improbable that the requirements of the clause in which the necessity of praying " for the conversion of sinners, for the propagation of the Catholic faith, for the peace and triumph of the Church," is so distinctly set forth can be ful- filled without some explicit knowledge of the objects which are thus specified. For, as Gobat2 argues : — " Quando Pontifex exprimit . . . intentionem ad quam vult opera vel preces praescriptas fieri, non ideo exprimit ut nos sciamus, quam ipse intentionem expressam et specificam habeat, sed quam nos hdbere debeamtis, si indulgentiae participes esse volumus. Unde fit, ut in uno eodem Brevi Apostolico pro quibusdam actibus praescribantur quatuor intentiones, pro aliis tantum duae, pro aliis unica . . . ut videre est in forma indulgen- tiarum Urbani VIII. Mihi autem non videtur satis credibile, tantam intentionum varietatem poni et proponi fidelibus nisi ea cum conditione, ut et illas cognoscant et ex illarum cogni- tione incitentur, diriganturque ad opera praescripta faciendaV

Hence the great majority of theologians require an explicit knowledge of the objects which the Pope enumerates. "Non potest opus fieri cum tali intentione," says De Lugo,3 "sine ali- qua illius notitia" Bellegambe4 teaches : — "praerequiri cogni- tionem formalem intentionis illius quam concedens habuit" And La Croix5: — "De objectis [in Bulla enumeratis] expedit ali-

1 Bibliothcca, in verb. Jubilaeum. Art.iii.,n. 20.

~ Opera Moralia. Tract iii. De Jubilaeo, cap. xii., n. 80.

:? De Sacramento de Pcenitentiae. Disp. xxvii., sect, vi., n. 82.

4 Enchiridion, Part, i , quaest. i., sect. 2.

5 Th&logia Moralis. Lib. vi., n. 1423.

The Prayers for the Popes Intention. 73

quando monere poenitentes, nam probabile est requiri notitiam expressam tails intentionis" Coming down to more recent writers, we find the same advice given by M. Loiseaux,1 " Puisque les auteurs sont partages, les cures feront bien d'exciter leurs paroissiens a prier pour les fins specifiees par le souverain Pontife."

To guard against misconception, it may be necessary to remark that, according to the opinion of these theologians, an actual explicit knowledge of the objects specified by the Pope, is not necessary at the time when the prayers are being recited. It will, they say, suffice if the prayers are offered in general terms, for the intentions of the Pope, pro- vided that the person who makes this offering has previously had a distinct knowledge of the objects which the Pope proposes. "Sufficit," says Gobat,2 "si in specie audierit intentionem injunctam, et . . . postea tamen opus pro indul- gentia designatum perfecerit, immemor intentionis, dicens tamen expresse se illud opus offerre ad intentionem summi

Pontificis Hunc modum esse sufficientem, persuadet

mihi turn praxis et persuasio confessariorum . . . turn infinitus numerus rudium hominum qui nequeunt memoriam retinere ternas quas frequenter, quaternas quas nonnunquam Pontifex praescribit. Videtur ergo Pontifex ab his et consequenter ab aliis plus non exigere quam ut offerentes suas preces ad inten- tiones ab illo praescriptas, habeant illarum confusam recorda- tionem."

That such an intention will suffice is placed beyond all controversy by a decree of the Sacred Congregation of Indul- gences, issued in i847.3 " Quando ad Indulgentias lucrandas praescribitur oratio pro fine determinato v.g. pro extirpatione haereseon etc. an requiratur intentio explicita, expressa singulis vicibus? S. C. I. respondit Negative" As this decree has been sometimes regarded as a declaration that an explicit knowledge of the objects specified by the Pope is not re- quired, it may be useful to remark that the question pro- posed was not whether an explicit intention was necessary, but whether it was necessary to have such an intention " ex- pressa singulis vicibus" It is evident, therefore, that the answer of the Sacred Congregation, while it undoubtedly teaches that it will suffice to offer these prayers in the manner described by Gobat, does not imply that the indulgence can be gained by a person who never had an explicit knowledge of the objects specified by the Pope. And since so many

1 Traite Canonique et Pratique dn Jubile. Chap, ii., art. 2, sect, iv., n. 32.

2 Opera Moralia. Tract iii. De Jubilaeo, cap. xii., n.

3 Deer, S. Cong. Indidg. 12 Jun. 1847.

74 Questions regarding the Jubilee.

theologians are of opinion that this explicit knowledge is ne- cessary, it would appear that in the absence of an express decision of the Sacred Congregation, it would be most im- prudent to disregard the advice of La Croix, which I have already quoted : — " De objectis [in Bulla enumeratis\ expedit aliquando monere pcenitentes, nam probabile est requiri notitiam expressam talis intentionis."

I may avail myself of this opportunity to make a few remarks in answer to some questions which have been pro- posed, since the publication of the October number of the Record, in reference to the fasting days required for the Jubilee.

1. " How is the following clause of the Encyclical to be understood ? ' Qui . . . tribus diebus etiam non continuis, nempe, quarta et sexta feria et sabbato jejunaverint! Will any other days but Wednesday, Friday, and Saturday suffice ?

There does not appear to be any good reason for supposing that any other days will suffice. Wednesday, Friday, and Saturday are mentioned by the Pope as the days on which the fast should be observed, quite as distinctly as the Basilicas of St. John Lateran, St. Peter, and Santa Maria Maggiore, are mentioned as the Churches which should be visited by those who gain the Jubilee in Rome. In both cases the only admissable interpretation is that the Pope specifies the parti- cular work, to the performance of which the indulgence is attached. This is the obvious meaning of the words of his Holiness " those who shall fast on three days . . . that is to say, on Wednesday, Friday, and Saturday."

In a matter which is so clear, it is hardly necessary to quote the opinions of theologians. It may, however, be well to give a few extracts which will probably remove all doubt regarding this point. "Jejunium" says La Croix,1 . . . "est trium dierum Mercurii, Veneris, Sabbathi." And Bouvier2: — "Pour ces sortes de Jubiles (extraordinaires) prescrit-elle trois jeunes qui doivent etre faits . . . le Mercredi le Vendredi et le Sa- medi." Viva3 is, if possible, more explicit : — " Exiguntur in Jubilaeo Extraordinario universim tria jejunia, Feria quarta et sexta et sabbato; et quidem omnia . . . ritu jejunii Ec- clesiastici praestanda et diebus praefixis'.'

2. " Is it necessary in this country to abstain from eggs on the Friday which is selected for the Jubilee fast ? This abstinence, observed in Ireland whenever a fasting day happens

1 Theologia Moralis. Lib. vi , pars. ii. n. 1424.

2 Traite des Indulgences, Part iv. , chap, ii., sec. i., n. 2.

3 De Jubilaeo, Quaest viii. part 7 n. I.

The Prayers for tJie Popes Intention. 75

to fall on Friday, even out of Lent, would seem not to be imposed by the common law, as explained in the last number of the Record, pp. 22-4. Does it therefore follow that it is not necessary to observe it, in fasting for the Jubilee ?"

By no means. It is clearly laid down by the theologians who are quoted on the pages referred to, that the fast which is required for the Jubilee, must be such as is observed " juxta gentis consuetudinem in Quatuor Temporibus Anni — sicut intelliguntur et observantur praecepta ecclesiae — juxta modum quern tenet Provincia in aliis jejuniis" — and that it is necessary to observe the abstinence which is observed on fasting days of obligation : — " Debere uti cibis quibus con- cives communiter utuntur in jejuniis ecclesiasticis tune occur- rentibus."1 Hence, since the fast which is observed in nearly every part of- Ireland, when a fasting day falls on Friday, includes abstinence from eggs, it clearly follows, from the doctrine of those theologians, that without some dispensation eggs could not be eaten on the Friday which is selected for the Jubilee fast.

But it is manifest from the terms of the Rescript, published in the October number of the Record? that abstinence from meat alone will now suffice in any part of Ireland, for the Jubilee fast : "ut praedicta conditio jejunii pro Jubilaeo in Hibernia lucrando, cum sola abstinentia a carnibus . . . adimpleri possit."

3. "It was stated in the Record for October, p. 29, that fasting days of obligation, out of Lent, cannot be selected for the observance of the Jubilee fast. Is it quite certain that this is correct ? My reason for asking the question is that the contrary has been very confidently stated in a letter, signed 'Sacerdos Salopiensis/ which appeared in the Tablet on the 25th of September. The writer of it says : — ' Those who are desirous of gaining the indulgence are at liberty to choose any three days which they may fancy, except the Ember Days, which are expressly excluded in the Brief.' He afterwards refers to a decree ' given lately by the Congregation of Peni- tenzieriaj and ' printed by the Right Rev. Dr. Brown, Bishop of Shrewsbury, for the instruction of his clergy.' No refe- rence was made to this decree in the last number of the Record. I should like to know whether the statement to which I have referred, can be reconciled with it."

The Decree of the Sacred Penitentiary regarding the present Jubilee will be found in the number of the Irish Ecclesiastical

1 Irish Ecclesiastical Record, No. LVII. Vol. 6, October, 1869, pp. 22-4.

2 Ibid, p. 39.

76 /;/ Spirit and in Truth.

Record for last August1 It was not referred to in the October number because it does not contain the slightest reference to the fast which is required for the Jubilee. In all probability, the writer of the letter in the Tablet, confounded the decree of the Penitentiary with a totally different decree, issued by the Sacred Congregation of Indulgences, which was published in the September number of the Record. At all events, this is the only decree which has been issued in reference to the fast required for gaining the Jubilee. And in it, the Sacred Con- gregation, so far from stating that any days out of the Ember weeks may be selected for the Jubilee fast, distinctly declares that out of Lent, no fasting day of obligation can be selected2 : — ita ut ad effectum lucrandi Indulgentia omnes dies jejunii ad quod quisque tenetur, et non diesjejuinii qnatuor anni temporum dumtaxat, excludantur.

W. J. W.

IN SPIRIT AND IN TRUTH.

1 HE Work "In Spirit and in Truth,"3 just published, will well repay a careful perusal. The interest of the subject, and the original manner in which it is treated, cannot fail to fix the attention of the most careless reader, while, to the thoughtful and observant mind, it will afford food for much profitable reflection. Ritualism, as is well known, is one of the most prominent questions of the day, and occupies no mean place among the many momentous ones which seem stirring society to its very foundations. The statesman can- not thrust it aside, much as he would wish to do so, when so much besides forces itself upon his troubled mind. How then can those in whose more immediate sphere it lies, hope to escape its importunity ?

Ritualism is working in minds which as yet reject the au- thority of Holy Church, with a power which we can scarcely comprehend, and seems surely tending to ends which those who are most under its influence are least prepared to recog- nize. How it is perverted by some and contemned by others, who are yet equally in earnest in the search for truth, few

1 See Irish Ecclesiastical Record, No. LXI., Vol 6., October, 1869, p. 39.

2 See Irish Ecclesiastical Record, No. LX.,Vol 5., September, 1869, p. 585, and No. LXI., Vol 6., October, 1869, p, 29.

3 " In Spirit and in Truth." An Essay on the Ritual of the New Testament. 8vo.